WAR 1 2 1980
Digitized by the Internet Archive
TRAVELER'S REST AND THE TUGALOO CROSSROADS
Robert Eldridge Bouwman
Copyright State of Georgia 1980
Department of Natural Resources
Parks, Recreation and Historic Sites
Historic Preservation Section
TA IlLF. OF CONTKNTS
List of Illustrations ii
List of Maps iv
Location of Site v
Chapter 1: Cherokee Villages 1
Chapter 2: Tugaloo and the Cherokee Frontier 11
Chapter 3: Jesse Walton: Frontiersman and Settler 29
Chapter 4: The Tugaloo Neighborhood: 1790-1820 56
Chapter 5: The Early Days of Traveler's Rest 87
Chapter 6: Taverns, Travel, and Traveler's Rest 115
Chapter 7: Devereaux Jarrett's Little Empire 139
Chapter 8: Jarrett Plantations in the 1850s 161
Chapter 9: The Civil War on the Tugaloo 178
Chapter 10: Traveler's Rest During Reconstruction 200
Chapter 11: Third-Ceneration Jarrett's and "The Old Home Place" . . 224
Chapter 12: Mary Elizabeth Jarrett White and Jarrett Manor 249
Bibliography of Sources 260
Bibliography of Maps 271
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
facing pap e
Traveler's Rest, early spring, 1977 vi
Traveler's Rest, northeast, south views, 1977 vii
Devereaux Jarrett . . 114
House of Robert Jarrett, House of Thomas Patton Jarrett 162
Toccoa Falls, House of Joseph Prather and Sally Jarrett Prather . . 172
Cradle; bed brought to Traveler's Rest by Lizzie Lucas Jarrett:
"Indian Rock" 175
Bentwood rocking chair; corner cupboard* detail of main stairway. . 176
Traveler's Rest, photo taken ca. 1900 234
The Jarretts' Tugaloo River "bottom lands"
Sally Grace; Mary Lizzie
Lizzie Lucas Jarrett and family, about 1898
Charles P. Jarrett and friends "camping in the Mountains of
NE Georgia, 1894"
Charles P. Jarrett, camping in northeast Georgia, 1894
Charles Patton Jarrett, unknown women and girls, ca . 1898
Charles Patton Jarrett and unknown woman, perhaps at Tallulah
Falls, ca. 1898
Unidentified woman; Sally Grace and Lizzie Lucas Jarrett at
Traveler's Rest, early 1900s; Charles Patton Jarrett in
New Mexico for his "consumption," 1898
Victorine Paillett Jarrett, early 1900s; Neeley Jarrett, former
slave, date unknown
Lt . George Devereaux Jarrett and Sally Grace Jarrett at smoke-
house, early 1900s
Lizzie Lucas Jarrett and Lt. George Devereaux Jarrett on front
porch at Traveler's Rest; Lizzie Lucas Jarrett on front
porch at Traveler's Rest, early 1900s
Lt . George, Lizzie Lucas and Sally Grace on front porch at
Traveler's Rest, early 1900s; Jarrett's Bridge [?], ca. 1900 .
Lt . George Devereaux Jarrett, on transport Rawlings , early
1900s; Lt. George Devereaux Jarrett at home in the Philip-
pines, early 1900s
Steamboat on the Tugaloo River, date unknown 254
Unknown woman at small house near Traveler's Rest, early 1900s. . .
Lizzie Lucas Jarrett in small room at south end of Traveler's
Rest, early 1900s; Lizzie Lucas and Sally Grace in small
room, early 1900s
Family picture before front porch al Traveler's Rest, early
l ( »00s
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Front view of unrestored Traveler's Rest, photo taken ca . 1953 . . . 254
Rear view of unrestored Traveler's Rest, 1953 "
Basement kitchen; upstairs "common" bedroom "
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LIST OF MAPS
1. The Cherokee Country in the Southern Appalachians,
Eighteenth Century 1
2. The Lower Towns of the Cherokees , Mouzon, 1776 4
3. South Carolina and the Southeastern Frontier, ca. 1775 19
4. The Cherokee Country 19-20
5. Williamson's Campaign in the Lower Towns, 1776 26
6. Walton Grant on the Tugaloo River, 1785 29
7. A Map of the Defensive Plan of the Western Frontier, 1792 65
8. The Unicoi Turnpike, showing Old Cherokee Towns and
Early-Nineteenth-Century Settlements 94
9. Nacoochee Valley, 1837 95
10. Joseph Martin's Survey of Walton Ford Tract, (c) 1815 102
11. Franklin County, 1784 Ill
12. Habersham County Gold Mines 153
13. Traveler's Rest and Jarrett Enterprises, 1850 165
14. Late-Nineteenth-Century Jarrett Sales 223
15. Toccoa-Tugaloo Region from a 1911 Militia District Map 249
16. Part of Mrs. Sallie Grace Adams and Mrs. Mary Jarrett White
Land in Stephens County Surveyed for J.C. Harvey,
January 20-22, 1927 252
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LOCATION OF THE SITE
On Georgia Highway 123, amid the foothills of the Blue Ridge Moun-
tains, stands Traveler's Rest Historic Site. Six miles southwest is the
town of Toccoa, and nearby is Lake Hartwell — which was created by the
damming of the Tugaloo River.
Traveler's Rest is located in a portion of Stephens County which was
originally Franklin County. A treaty of May 31, 1783, between the Chero-
kees and the State of Georgia resulted in the Cherokees ceding these
lands along the Tugaloo to the state. Franklin County was then created
on February 24, 1784. In 1818, Habersham County was formed when the state
took the northern portion of Franklin County and combined it with lands
recently ceded by the Cherokees. From this time until 1906, Traveler's
Rest was located in the southeastern portion of Habersham County.
In 1874, the nearby town of Toccoa was incorporated, and area resi-
dents clamored for the new town to replace Clarkesville as county. Their
efforts failed in this, but legislation was enacted to create a new county
of which Toccoa would be the seat. On August 18, 1905, Stephens County
was created from portions of Habersham and Franklin counties, Traveler's
Rest being included in the new county.
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This book was made possible by the assistance of numerous inter-
ested individuals, and acknowledging all of them would be impossible.
The Traveler's Rest files were painstakingly collected over several
years by employees of the old Georgia Historical Commission, as well as
researchers for the Historic Preservation Section. Their work has been
In finding materials on Traveler's Rest and the history of the Jar-
rett family, I was greatly aided by Henry B. and Elizabeth Hayes, Mabel
Ramsey, and Rose Jarrett Taylor, all of the Toccoa vicinity.
My genealogical research was facilitated by Mrs. R.E. O'Donnell of
Fort Worth, Texas, and Mrs. E.L. Stephenson of Covington, Georgia.
Thomas J. Lumsden of Clarkesville, Georgia, generously contributed
the results of his research on the Unicoi Turnpike.
Many of the maps in this book were discovered with the assistance
of Pat Bryant, Marion Hemperley and Janice Blake of the Georgia Surveyor
General Department. The maps were ably prepared by Mel Wolfe, Leonard
Chester, and Stephanie Low of the Site Planning Section of the Depart-
ment of Natural Resources. The modern photographs of Traveler's Rest
were taken by David J. Kaminsky in 1977.
Frances Wilbanks, curator of Traveler's Rest, was an unending source
of aid, information and inspiration.
Patricia Eldridge Bouwman was indispensable as ever, especially in
prepnrat ion ol the manuscript .
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Traveler's Rest, south view, 1977
Traveler's Rest, northeast view, 1977
Traveler's Rest is one of many historic properties in the state for
which the Georgia Department of Natural Resources has responsibility. It
is the ultimate goal of the Department to provide historical documentation,
in published form, on each of the sites. This documentation is required to
authenticate the site, provide information supporting the development of the
site, and prepare the groundwork for the interpretive program to center on
The Georgia Historical Commission, with the assistance of the Toccoa
Chamber of Commerce and the Jarrett Manor Foundation, purchased Traveler's
Rest and 2.995 acres from Mary Jarrett White on July 25, 1955. On July 28,
1971, the State of Georgia bought an additional .329 acre from Clyde McClure
and George Ramsey, Jr. Traveler's Rest is located six miles east of Toccoa,
in Stephens County, on Riverdale Road near Lake Hartwell, approximately one-
half mile west of U.S. 123. In 1964, Traveler's Rest was recognized as a
National Historic Landmark by the National Park Service.
The house stands within two miles of the site of Old Tugaloo Town,
an important Cherokee village. It is situated on a crossroads at the southern
end of the Great Wagon Road, down which a wave of European- American migration
poured to fill the land east of the Appalachians in the mid-13th century.
The first known white settler on the site of Traveler's Rest was frontiersman
Jesse Walton in 1784. He was followed by others including Joseph Martin
and James R. Wyly, prior to occupation of home and land by Devereaux Jarrett
in the 1830' s. The history of Traveler's Rest is then intertwined with the
history of the Jarrett family until the State's purchase in 1955.
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It is a history encompassing the Cherokees , migration, frontier war
and gold rush; it includes the development of Traveler's Rest as stage-
coach inn/tavern into its long years as a plantation center; through Civil
War and Reconstruction, the gradual decline of land and family is taken to
the present century, where Traveler's Rest becomes the physical embodiment
of history transfigured into legend.
The architectural development of Traveler's Rest mirrors the people
and the years through which the site matured. In its evolution are clues
of an early cabin (ca. 178A) , replaced by a simple frame house (ca . 1815),
and enlarged to its present size sometime in the late 1830s.
The history of Traveler's Rest is the history of a people and a heri-
tage, reflected in the structure that developed with the years.
Traveler's Rest and the Tugaloo Crossroads is a history based on
intensive historical, archaeological and architectural research.
It has not been possible to coordinate all of the studies closely with
the development of the site. Some restoration of the site had taken
place prior to the beginning of archaeological investigation, and virtu-
ally all restoration had been completed when architectural analysis was
undertaken. Nevertheless, these studies have assisted in the final
stages of restoration and have given us a clearer picture from which to
view the events and individuals who comprise the history of Traveler's
Rest. With this broader perspective, the site can be appropriately
Interpreted for the public.
The history begins with the Cherokees who were drawn to the lands
along the Tugaloo at the foothills of the Blue Ridge prior to the 16th
Century. Although they apparently were not in conflict with Spanish con-
quistador Hernando de Soto in 1540, the Cherokees seldom enjoyed peace.
From the beginning, the cluster of villages which included Old Estatoe
and Tugaloo Town [see Maps 1-4] were caught up in a long struggle —
first with other tribes, and then with the Europeans. The Europeans'
arrival triggered a revolution in Cherokee life, and it generated the
competition and crisis that was played out at Tugaloo Town, until 1715
the Cherokee capital in this area.
During the Revolutionary War, Georgia wrested the Tugaloo Crossroads
from the Cherokees, and it was opened to white settlement by 1784. The
land at the ford was surveyed in 1785 and granted to Major Jesse Walton.
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Both the ford and the creek emptying into the Tugaloo nearby were named
after Walton. Born in the backcountry of Colonial Virginia, Walton had
been a hunter, trader, settler and Indian fighter on the frontier, as had
many of his neighbors. Following the Revolution, these backwoodsmen
brought their families to the lands along the Tugaloo. Among Walton's
neighbors were long-time Cherokee trader Bryant Ward and General Joseph
Martin, one of the foremost heroes of the Revolutionary War.
In the summer of 1789, Jesse Walton was ambushed and killed by Creek
Indians. The Walton's Ford tract then passed to Jesse's heirs. For
about twenty years, his four sons, two daughters, and their families
lingered at the Tugaloo, after which they were drawn west by the lure of
new lands. In 1813, Walton's heirs relinquished a small house and the
land at the ford to a Joseph Martin, husband of Walton's daughter Mary.
It may have been Martin who replaced the cabin at Walton's Ford with the
first section of the house which now stands at Traveler's Rest. Martin
sold the house and land to James R. Wyly in 1818.
A militia officer, road builder, entrepreneur, and public servant,
Wyly appears to have been the first to have operated an inn at Walton's
Ford. Wyly held title to Traveler's Rest for about twenty years, but by
1833 (at the latest), he had sold this to a man named Devereaux Jarrett
and moved to Clarkesville .
Jarrett, who had lived in this area for most of his life, enlarged
the house into a comfortable inn, named it Traveler's Rest, and probably
left it much as it is today. A man of whom far too little is known,
Devereaux Jarrett died in 1852, leaving more than 10,000 acres and numer-
ous slaves to be divided among his four children. They lived prosper-
ously in plantations along the Tugaloo, with Charles Kennedy Jarrett, the
youngest son, maintaining the inn at Traveler's Rest. C.K. Jarrett mar-
ried Elizabeth Lucas of Athens, Georgia, but soon the Civil War came, put-
ling an end to slavery and to the Jarretts' accustomed manner of living.
The postbellum years brought an era of economic woe to the South,
and the Jarretts' once-considerable estate dwindled steadily. It is from
this period that the bulk of the surviving personal documents come, pro-
viding the most detailed material about the lives of the people at Trav-
el e i ' s Rest .
At ( lie turn of tli<-' century, only Sally Grace and Mary Elizabeth were
surviving of C.K. Jarrett 's children. During the first half of the 20th
Century, Traveler's Rest — then known as Jarrett Manor — was a faded
remnant of Devereaux Jarrett 's plantation-inn. Eventually, Mary Eliza-
beth Jarrett White became the sole occupant of the old inn, which was
rotting away around her. To her, Traveler's Rest was the "old home
place," and in reminiscences, newspaper articles, and in conversation
with friends, she kept the memories alive.
Her dedication in preserving the home and its history was rewarded
in 1955, when the Georgia Historical Commission acquired Traveler's Rest
and began restoring it. This picturesque old home in the foothills of
the Blue Ridge has a history well worth retelling. And Traveler's Rest
and the Tugaloo Crossroads has grown from the efforts of a number of peo-
ple over several years to recall this history.
Archaeology and Architecture at Traveler 's Rest
The history of an individual or a society cannot be comprehensively
interpreted using verbal documentation alone, and the history of Travel-
er's Rest is not limited to the written record. In the summer of 1968,
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archaeologist Dr. William M. Kelso conducted excavations of Traveler's
Rest for the Georgia Historical Commission. Architectural historian Paul
Buchanan conducted an architectural analysis of Traveler's Rest in the
fall of 1977. The complete text of both these reports appears in the
Appendices, but an overview of their findings is presented here to set
the scene for the historical narrative.
The building known as Traveler's Rest was built in two primary
stages, hereafter referred to as Period I and Period II. Period I dates
to ca. 1815 and concerns the south end of the structure. Archaeology sug-
gests that there was a structure on the site before 1815, and architect
Buchanan gives the construction date as 1815, plus or minus five years,
but suggests 1815 as the most likely date. It was probably built, there-
fore, by Joseph Martin, who owned the land on which it is situated until
1818. However, since the land changed hands during the possible range of
years which the reports have assigned to the construction, it is diffi-
cult to be conclusive. Historical data does favor Martin as the builder,
since he sold the land for $100 per acre, a high price for land — unless
there were substantial improvements.
Traveler's Rest, as it appeared circa 1815 or Period L (1815-1835),
was approximately half its present size. It was a two-story, frame build-
ing, 18 feet, two inches by 50 feet, ten and one-half inches. On the
west or front facade was a one-story, shed porch with six posts connected
by a balustrade, except in the center, where steps led to the front doors.
On the east or rear facade was a similar shed, but only the renter por-
tion was open. There were shed rooms on either end of this east facade.
The exterior was weatherboarded, and there were end chimneys with
stone foundations and brick stacks. The foundation of the building was
stone, and the structure had a gable roof.
The first floor contained two rooms of equal size with a door between
them. The rooms matched, each having two windows and a center door on
the west, a fireplace with flanking windows on the exterior ends, and two
doors on the east, one leading to a shed room and one to the east porch.
The south room, known as the "hall," had a quarter-turn stair leading to
the second floor from the northwest corner of the room. The north room
was the "parlor."
The second floor had three rooms and a stair passage. The space
above the "hall" of the first floor was partitioned to give two small bed-
rooms and the stair passage. The space above the north room or parlor of
the first floor was of equal size with the parlor. The second-floor
rooms on the south had no fireplaces, but were heated with wood stoves.
The north bedroom had a fireplace.
There were probably a number of outbuildings during the period, but
none have survived. Neither the archaeological nor architectural reports
were able to address that topic for this early period. No doubt, however,
there were at least privies, a detached kitchen, slave quarters and proba-
bly a smokehouse, and a well or spring house.
Soon after Traveler's Rest was purchased by Devereaux Jarrett in
1833, the main building underwent major alterations and additions, almost
doubling its size. Period II of the construction history was between
1835 and 1840. When the building was enlarged, it was over 90 feet long.
The front shed porch was extended the new length of the building, and a
second entrance was added to the old porch area.
The old south rooms of the first floor yielded space for a new cen-
tral hall and stair and a stair passage for a new stair leading only from
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the second floor to the west porch. The fireplaces in these rooms were
given new Greek Revival mantels.
The only change on the second floor of the old house was an east-
west partition in the large north room. This created one unheated room.
Like the older portion, the new addition had four rooms downstairs,
two of which were rear shed rooms. The north main room was the dining
room. A stair led from the south main room to the second floor. Below
the dining room was a large, cellar kitchen to replace an earlier,
detached kitchen. Upstairs, the new portion included a large, north bed
chamber, stair passage, a small chamber and a north-south hall connecting
the new section to the old second-floor section. Architect Buchanan be-
lieves that the north addition was built primarily as family quarters,
with the old south end reserved for tavern use.
A cursory glance at the building gives the impression that it was
built as a single unit. The north addition matches the south end super-
ficially with regard to architecture. A thorough analysis of this build-
ing, based on architectural design, building materials, moulding profiles,
brick bond, structural techniques and archaeology, belies the overall
impression, revealing the major changes noted above, as well as more sub-
tle ones which are noted in the full reports.
The archaeological excavation yielded data on two outbuildings.
Fifty feet to the northwest of the main house, the stone foundations of
the smokehouse were uncovered. It measured 18 feet, six inches square.
The artifacts recovered place its earliest occupation date at circa 1830.
It was probably built, therefore, by Jarrett. Historical researcli turned
up a circa-1890 photograph of the building, which shows a hewn-log build-
ing with an overhanging porch roof, said to be the smokehouse.
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Still in existence, though greatly restored, is the outbuilding tra-
ditionally known as the "loomhouse." The architect's report states that
it was built after 1850, while the archaeologist believes that it was
Lhere in the 1820s and was used as a dairy. The building has two levels,
the lower being brick and the upper, frame. It seems plausible that
either there was another building on the same site in the 1820s, or that
some portion of the present structure dates to the 1820s. However, the
building as it exists today is post-1850. Other outbuildings known to
have existed during Jarrett years were a store, barns, stables, smithy,
mills, slave dwellings and bridges.
Architect Paul Buchanan refers to the building as a "combined resi-
dence-tavern" and states that the amount of space allocated to the family
fluctuated, depending on the "numbers and type of the traveling public
who had to be accommodated." Of the significance of the building archi-
tecturally, he notes that it is a "good remaining example of early-nine-
teenth-century pioneer vernacular architecture of the Georgia Piedmont
and its growth up to the 1860s." He states that the native materials
used, as well as the building style and techniques, were especially suit-
able for an area that had little skilled labor and that lacked available
materials for purchase, while accommodating the climate as well.
Traveler's Rest is open to the public as a house museum and contains
period furniture, much of it from the Jarrett family, and artifacts found
on the site.
The historical, architectural and archaeological research on which
this report is based will ensure an accurate interpretation of the site
in the future. To visit Traveler's Rest today is to step back in time to
the days of stagecoach, roadside tavern and pioneer living. Traveler's
Rest is a fine structure exemplifying our 19th-century heritage.
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People have been living in the vicinity of Traveler's Rest for
scores of generations, thousands of years. When the Cherokees settled
at the mouth of Toccoa Creek around 1300 A.D. (at the earliest), they
built their lodges around a mound beneath which lay evidence of lengthy
Indian occupation. Driven south by the Iroquois and Delaware tribes,
the Cherokees took over the Southern Appalachians [see Map 1], pushing
the Creeks southward and the Shawnees northwest. A few generations of
adaptation passed, and by the time European explorers visited them, the
Cherokees had largely forgotten their own usurpation, regarding their
territory as an ancient homeland, occupied by them throughout history.
So the Cherokees explained: "Time out of mind, these lands have been
the hunting grounds of the Cherokee.'
Little is known of the Cherokees' predecessors in the Tugaloo
region; however, archaeologists at the site of Tugaloo Town on Toccoa
Creek have designated several distinct periods of occupation. There,
the pre-Cherokees lived in Stone-age simplicity, casting aside over the
years the bones, broken tools, and pottery, which are our only record of
them. At least eight layers of occupation were unearthed at the Tugaloo
mound by excavations undertaken in 1957, revealing that as population
ebbed and flowed, people were again and again attracted to the area. The
mysterious message left on the "Indian Rock" or petrograph at Traveler's
a Last in;', lest imonv to the cont Lnuing efficacy of the Tugaloo
e ross roads .
- 1 -
The Cherokee Country in the Southern Appalachians, 18th Century. *Site
of Triiveler's Rest.
Much more is known of the Cherokees, the "mountaineers" of the
South. Related to the Iroquois group of tribes, the Cherokees proudly
called themselves the Ani-Yunwuja , the "Real People."^ The name "Cher-
okee" is apparently of foreign origin. 4 The word could mean "Ancient
Tobacco People," "Children of the Sun," or "Brave Men."-> A relatively
large tribe, the Cherokees were certainly not the Lost Tribes of Israel,
as some early traders and settlers wished to believe. 6
Members of the tribe built their principal towns on the headwaters
of the Savannah, Hiwassee, and Tuckasegee rivers, and all along the Lit-
tle Tennessee, as well. There, they strove to adjust themselves to the
Southern mountain climate, while surrounded on all sides by hostile
rivals . '
By the late 19th Century, when they were contacted by European
explorers, the Cherokees had become a tribe of great power and influ-
ence. They controlled 40,000 square miles of territory in what is now
southwest Virginia, the western Carolinas , eastern Tennessee, and the
northern areas of Georgia and Alabama. Indian expert James Adair esti-
mated them to number 16,000 or 17,000, with 6,000 warriors, inhabiting
64 towns in 1735. With their huge territory and relatively large popu-
lation, the Cherokees were strategically situated to hold the balance
of power in southeastern North America. Whether they favored the
English settlements to the east, or the French and Spanish along the
Gulf of Mexico and up the Mississippi to a point north of the Ohio River
would prove to be a vital factor in determining the course of histoi
This potential was offset, however, by the loose nature of Cherokee
organization, which frequently kepi the tribe from wielding a mere pow-
e r I "u 1 i n 1 1 uenee .
On the Tugaloo River, several generat Lons of Cherokee: followed the
tribal patterns by living in a cluster of small villages along the
streams which fed the river. Tugaloo Town [Tugaloo meaning "rough or
muddy waters"] was at the mouth of Toccoa Creek, about a mile up the
river from the eventual site of Traveler's Rest. Nearby were Old Esta-
toe, six miles up the river; Noyowee, across from Estatoe; Tetohe, up
Toccoa Creek; Chagee, down the river and in South Carolina; and Tussee,
to the south. Old Estatoe was the "mother village" of the cluster, and
also the largest, having a population of about 600. In all, the Lower
Towns included about 11 villages, with a population of roughly 2,000.
All the towns in the Tugaloo cluster were bound together by footpaths —
a northeastward trail led to the important Cherokee town of Keowee , and
a northwestward trail ran through Chota and climbed the mountains to the
important Middle Towns of the Cherokees [see Map 2].
When Colonel George Chicken visited the Cherokees as the special
emissary of South Carolina in 1725, he described Old Estatoe as:
... a large Town and very well fortifyed [sic] all round
with Punchins and also ditched on the outside of sd [said]
Punchins (wch [which] Ditch) is Stuck full of light wood
Spikes so that if the Enemy should ever happen to fall
therein, they must without doubt receive a great deal of
damage by those Spikes. -*•
Chicken labeled "Tugelo Town" the "most Antient [sic] town in these
parts." Apparently Tugaloo was dominant, for there the Cherokees held
their most important councils with the settlers, and Chicken singled out
the "Warriour of Tugelo" for special presents. No estimates of the size
of the town have been found; since it was smaller than Estatoe, its pop-
ulation could have ranged anywhere from 100 to 400.
At Tugaloo, the Cherokees spoke their "Eastern" dialect, being
characterized by its rolling r/s. They lived as most Eastern "Woodland"
Indians lived — by farming, hunting, and trading. Tribal structure was
dominated by seven clans, to which the individual clan members were
intensely loyal. Each village was largely autonomous, ruled by a daily
council in which both men and women participated.
Indeed, Cherokee women were extremely powerful in the tribal coun-
cils. As James Adair reported, "They have been a considerable time
under petticoat government." The head of the women's council was the
"Beloved Woman" of the tribe, "whose voice was considered that of the
Great Spirit speaking through her." The influence of the Cherokee women
was to prove of tremendous importance later to European traders and set-
At Tugaloo Town and elsewhere, the Cherokee houses were oblong. To
build them, the Cherokees would set up a row of posts, fill in between
these with wicker-work, and cover the result with a "plaster of mud and
grass." After putting on a bark roof, they would then whitewash the
lodge inside and out. Furnished with fur couches, stools, and house-
keeping implements, these lodges were often found unbearably stuff v by
European visitors, but not nearly so "close" as the small, air-tight
"hot-houses" the Indians inhabited in the winter. -*
The life of these Cherokees occupying the area near the future site
of Traveler's Rest was a true test of their ability to survive. It is
conjectured that a typical Indian woman spent her day gathering fruit
and nuts, tending crops of maize, potatoes, squash, and performing house-
hold tasks such as preparing food, tanning hides, weaving, and making
pottery. Men at home made tools and weapons and assisted with crops,
but much time was spent away from the village in hunting or raiding Llu>
tribe's many enemies.
In addition to all these tasks, however, the Cherokees managed to
make time for religion and entertainment. Men and women observed a cal-
endar of religious ceremonies, by which they commemorated the seasons
and the tribe's relationship to nature. Before contact with European
culture had completely revolutionized tribal patterns, a "priestly cult"
of both men and women dominated Cherokee leadership. This "cult" was
especially powerful in the Tugaloo Town cluster, though its power waned
with the changes of the 18th Century. '
The Cherokees also took their games seriously. They joined most
Eastern tribes in a thorough addiction to chungke , a game played by
throwing poles at a rolling, discus-shaped stone. A brave took great
pride in his c hungke stone, shaped and ornamented "with prodigious
labor." Every village had a chungke yard, and the men loved the game so
much that clearing a field for this purpose was supposedly their first
activity when founding a new village. Chungke , as well as all other
games, was accompanied by vigorous gambling. 1°
According to Brown's Old Frontiers , the "whole population" partici-
pated in "ballplay." Playing on a level field, the Indians enjoyed a
brutal sort of lacrosse, endeavoring to maneuver the ball through the
opponents' goal. Sometimes one village's team would plav another's in a
match: sometimes the entire community would join in. On such occasions*
In the desperate struggles for the ball, with hundreds
running together and actually leaping over each others
heads, darting between their adversaries' legs, tripping
and throwing, every voice raised to the highest key in
excited shrill yelps, there are rapid feats in succession
that astonish and amuse one far beyond the conception of
one who has not had the singular good luck to witness them.
The spectator loses his strength, and everything else but
his senses, when the confused mass of ball sticks, shins,
and bloody noses is carried off to different parts of the
ground for a quarter of an hour at a time without any of
the mass being able to see the ball, which they are often
thus scuffling for when it has been thrcwn off and played
over another part of the grounds. And so on until the suc-
cessful party arrives at one hundred, which is the limit of
Both the villages of Tugaloo and Old Estatoe had ball teams whose
players traveled to games even in war time. The seriousness with which
the Cherokees took this "sport" even extended to the testing of the capa-
cities of their conjurors by demanding winning magic.
To Europeans, the Cherokee men presented an intimidating, "savage"
visage. Of the braves, one visitor, Henry Timberlake, wrote in 1762:
The Cherokees are of a middle stature, of an olive col-
our, tho' generally painted, and their skins stained with
gun-powder, pricked into it in very pretty figures. The
hair of their heads is shaved, tho' manv of the old people
have it plucked out by the roots, except a patch on the
hinder part of the head, about twice the bigness of a
crown-piece, which is ornamented with beads, feathers, wam-
pum, stained deers hair, and such like baubles. The ears
are split and stretched to an enormous size, putting the
person who undergoes the operation to considerable pain,
being unable to lie on either side for near forty days. To
remedy this, they generally slit but one side at a time: so
soon as the patient can bear it, they are wound round with
wire to expand them, and are adorned with silver pendants
and rings, which they likewise wear at the nose . 21
On the appearance of the women of the tribe, explorer -naturalist
Uilliam Bartram observed in 1776:
The dress of the females is somewhat different from that
of the men: their flap or petticoat, is made after a dif-
ferent manner, is larger and longer, reaching almost to the
leg, and is put on differently; they have no shirt or shift
but a little short waistcoat, usually made of callico,
printed linen, or fine cloth decorated with lace, beads etc.
They never wear boots or stockings, but their buskins [short
leather boots] reach to the middle of the leg. They never
cut their hair, but plait it in wreathes, which is turned up,
and fastened on the crown, with a silver broach, forming a
wreathed top-knot. 22
Such were the Indians that the European explorers and settlers
found living in the area near what would later become Traveler's Rest,
convinced that, "We are the first people that ever lived on this land;
it is ours."^ But the Cherokees possessed a drastically different con-
cept of land-ownership from that of the settlers. As the Indians saw
it, the Creator had provided land, along with air, water, and sunlight.
Tribes claimed jurisdiction over the hunting grounds in the vicinity of
their villages, but they had considerable trouble understanding and
accepting the concepts of sovereignty and individual ownership of prop-
erty. They were perplexed and infuriated by the settlers' practices of
parceling, transforming, exploiting, and often squandering the land. As
the tide of white settlement expanded with apparently irreversible, insa-
tiable voracity, the Cherokees joined other Indians in a desperate, vio-
lent, hopeless resistence. The American frontier was the scene of one
of history's vast dramas. The Tugaloo crossroads was a focal point in
that drama. ^
The Cherokees loved their Tugaloo lands with good cause, for there
they prospered in spite of the fact that they were never to know peace
in those lands. From the time they arrived in the Alleghenies and the
Tugaloo area, the Cherokees struggled to adjust to rapidly-developing
events and situations which continued to have a shattering impact on
their culture. 5
Actually, the Cherokees never had a chance to find their place
among the Southeastern tribes. No sooner had they arrived in the moun-
tains, expelling rivals from the territory and making enemies of the
surrounding Shawnee, Iroquois, Creek, Yamassee, and other tribes, than
they found themselves at a tremendous disadvantage in accessibility to
the revolutionary weapons and tools of the Europeans. With all their
enemies becoming comparatively well-supplied with the fruits of a devas-
tating technology, the Cherokees, by the late 1600s, were desperate to
redress the balance of equipment. For the next few generations, Chero-
kee life was dominated by the adjustment to the presence of the whites
and their goods.
For Cherokee men, hunting and warfare mushroomed in importance.
The braves had to hunt as never before to obtain the skins needed to
trade for guns and ammunition, knives, hoes, cooking utensils, orna-
ments, and other trade goods. Meanwhile, old tribal antagonisms became
exacerbated with the European powers' imperial struggle over the
resources and territory of the Southeast. The pressure to hunt was com-
plicated by the unrelenting necessities of attack and defense. The next
chapter in the story of the Tugaloo crossroads is that of the early
frontier and the turmoil which took place among the Cherokees as they
reacted to the shock of the Europeans' arrival.
Chapter 1: Cherokee Villages
Quotation from John P. Brown, Old Frontiers : The Story of the Chero -
kee Indians (Kingsport, Tenn. : Southern Publishers, Inc., 1938), p.
15. On the origins of the Cherokees, see also James Mooney, Myths of
the Cherokee (New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1970), p. 15; William
S. Willis, Colonial Conflict and the Cherokee Indians , 1710-1760 (Ann
Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1955), pp. 1-12: and Grace Steel
Woodward, The Cheroke es (Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press,
1963), p. 99; J.R. Caldwell, "Appraisal of the Archeological Resources
of Hartwell Reservoir," National Park Service, 1953.
2 Anderson [S.C.] Independent , February 17, 1957, p. 15.
3 Brown, Old Frontiers , p. 14.
4 Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee , p. 15.
Woodward, The Cherokees , p. 21.
Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee , p. 21.
Ibid ., p. 14.
Ibid . , p. 34; and Willis, Colonial Conflict , pp. 1-3.
Kathryn Curtis Trogden, The History of Stephens County , Georgia (Toc-
coa, Ga.: Toccoa Woman's Club, Inc., 1973), pp. 2, 3. Mouzon's map,
(Map 2) is "An accurate map of North and South Carolina with their
Indian frontier showing in a distinct way" (1776) ; original in pos-
session of the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Brown's map
appeared in his book, Old Frontiers . Also, for a complete listing of
the three general divisions of Cherokee towns [Lower, Middle and
Upper] and their locations, see John R. Swanton, The Indian Tribes of
North America (Washington, D.C: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1968),
Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier , 1670-1732 (Ann Arbor, Mich.:
University of Michigan Press, 1929; reprinted 1956), p. 130.
Newton D. Mereness, T ravels in the American Colonies (New York: Mac-
Millan Co. , 1916), p. 150.
Mereness, Travels in the American Colonies , pp. 137, 145.
Brown, Old Frontiers , pp. 15-25; Woodward, The Cherokees , pp. 11-21;
and Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee , pp. 14-16.
Brown, Old Frontiers, p. 18.
15 Ibid. , p. 20.
16 Willis, Colonial Conflict , p. 104.
17 Ibid . , p. 257; and Woodward, The Cherokees , p. 49.
18 Brown, Old Frontiers , pp. 21, 22.
19 ibid . , p. 21. Brown's reference is George Catlin, a contemporary who
was a trader with the Indians. A more recently published source is
Charles Hudson [see footnote below], who maintains that only the men
participated in the ball games, p. 411. See George Chicken's "Jour-
nal of the March," Yearbook of the. City of Charleston , 1894 , pp. 315-
Charles Hudson, The Southeastern Indians (Knoxville, Tenn. : Univer-
sity of Tennessee Press, 1976), p. 411
Henry Timberlake, Memoirs
Watauga Press, 1927), p. 49
Henry Timberlake, Memoirs (London, 1765; reprinted by S.C. Williams,
" Woodward, The Cherokees , p. 37.
23 Ibid., p. 99.
On land-ownership, see Dale Van Every, Ark of Empire (New York: Men-
tor Books, 1963), pp. 56-58.
25 Willis, Colonial Conflict , pp. 21, 78, 104.
Ibid . , entire work.
27 Ibid . , pp. 73, 78, 90.
TUGALOO AND THE CHEROKEE FRONTIER
The Cherokees first encountered Europeans when the expedition of
Spaniard Hernando DeSoto visited them in 1540. Strange as they must
have appeared, however, with their guns, armor, silk clothes, blood-
hounds, horses, and crosses, the Spaniards' arrival could not have ade-
quately forewarned the Indians of the total revolution which would soon
come about in their way of life.
The Spanish expedition, consisting of 500 to 700 Europeans and sev-
eral hundred Indian slaves, passed to the east of Tugaloo Town, where
the Cherokees may not have yet settled. The Spanish saw their first
"Chalaque" towns on the Keowee River, where the "naked and lean" Indians
nonetheless gave the Spanish several hundred wild turkeys and some deer.
Later, at Nacoochee (northwest of present-day Clarkesville) , the Chero-
kees provided the Conquistadors with 300 dogs to eat. The Spanish
passed through this territory without leaving their customary legacy of
raping, burning, looting, and enslaving, and perhaps due to this lack of
lasting trauma, the Cherokees retained little memory of DeSoto or the
visit of Juan Pardo in 1566-1567.
Indirectly, the wandering "conquistadors" and the longer-lasting
missions that the Spanish established along the South Atlantic and Gulf
of Mexico coasts had a considerable impact on Cherokee culture. From
the Europeans, the Cherokees eventually acquired horses: Samuel C. Wil-
liams maintains this occurred about 1700 through trade with the Chicka-
saws , who had obtained horses somewhat earlier. As generations passed,
the Indians apparently bred them in considerable numbers. According to
Logan's History of Upper South Carolina : "On the luxuriant cane pas-
tures of the Tugaloo and Keowee Rivers . . . the Cherokee kept immense
droves of horses that roamed as wild and free as the deer of the same
region." Early Franklin County deeds indirectly support this claim, for
they occasionally mention "old fields" near the sites of the former Tug-
For over a century, the Cherokees continued their adjustment to the
Southern Appalachians and the Tugaloo region, and they experienced little
direct contact with the Europeans. Major changes, however, were sig-
naled around 167 3, when the first contact between the Cherokees and the
white traders was recorded. In 1674, an adventurous South Carolinian,
Dr. Henry Woodward, passed through the towns at the headwaters of the
Savannah, quite possibly the first white man to pass by the future loca-
tion of Traveler's Rest.3
In spite of a few such tenuous contacts, the Cherokees remained
remote from the English until after 1700. Extensive involvement between
Cherokees and Europeans did not come until the colonists' economic and
territorial rivalry had spread to include the land of the Cherokees.
From the vantage point of the English colonists, the Cherokees were an
unknown "quantity" before 1700.^
When 150 settlers disembarked on the Southern frontier in 1670,
founding the South Carolina colony, they were immediately caught up in
all-out imperial rivalry. "Wee [sic] are here settled in the very chaps
of the Spaniards," they reported. The Spanish had an old base at St.
Augustine and outposts well up the South Atlantic coast, which they con-
sidered to be theirs. -> [See Map 3.]
The English, Spanish, and French quickly involved the Indians in
their struggle for empire. As Vernor Crane maintains in The Southern
Frontier : "In the interior of North America rivalry centered in competi-
tion for the Indian trade and Indian alliances." Among the South Caro-
linians awoke a "dawning consciousness" of the "ultimate stake" in this
contest — "the dominion of the continent." Such a prize produced a
bitter and lengthy struggle, much of which took place in the neighbor-
hood of Tugaloo Town. The conflict did not diminish for over a century
and a half, after the land had passed into the hands of American set-
tlers and the Eastern Cherokees were all but destroyed. But in 1700,
the fate of this struggle was uncertain.
In the late 17th Century, the South Carolina colony was controlled
by the same group of Englishmen who ran Hudson's Bay Company. Members
of this group were well aware of the value of a fur trade with the Indi-
ans, so by 1700, South Carolina was the vanguard of British imperial
expansion. Enterprising traders of the colony had already penetrated
beyond the Mississippi River, "the spread of English influence [being]
. . . accomplished ... by obscure and often nameless explorers and trad-
ers."' South Carolina held a key position just south of the Alleghen-
ies, with access to the tribes of the Southeast denied to the northern
English colonies. The English were almost always able to out-trade the
Spanish and the French, and this ability was the "fundamental reason for
the success ... of the English in the tortuous politics of the wilder-
ness . .
Sometime before 1696, Jean Couture, a French coureur de bois of
great experience, deserted the French in order to pursue the more lucra-
tive possibilities of trading with the Indians for the English. Couture
passed through the Cherokee territory from the northwest, descended the
ancient Unicoi Trail, passed by Tugaloo Town, and arrived in Carolina,
where he was welcomed as an explorer and valuable Indian expert. Asso-
ciated with various Western trade promoters — some of whom were "seek-
ing riches in the bed of the Savannah River" — he led an expedition in
1700 to open trade with the Cherokees.9
A trader setting out from Charles Town in the early 1700s had the
choice of two trails — the main path, which led overland from Ochese
Creek to the Coosa and Talapoosa rivers, then on to the land of the
Chickasaws; and the less-traveled route, which ran up the Savannah River
to the Tugaloo towns, and then on up the Cherokee trail to the mountains,
Soon after 1700, traders regularly followed a path up the Tugaloo to get
from the Cherokees the deer skins that furnished the bulk of the South-
eastern Indian trade. "Infinite herds" of deer were killed, their skins
tanned and shipped to England before the supply and trade fell off in
the mid-18th Century. Goods were carried in and out of the mountains in
small pack trains of well-laden horses. Sometimes, Cherokee burdeners
would carry 30 skins all the way to Charles Town for "two yards of blue
duf fields [a type of cloth]." 10
On the navigable rivers, such as the Savannah, small craft were
used to facilitate transportation. It was stated that "a periago pad-
dled by seven or eight slaves could load 500-700 skins." Years later,
however, traders used much larger boats. In 1748, the South Carolina
Gazette advertised concerning one such boat:
Stolen, or gone adrift, from Mr. Elliott's wharf, last
Tuesday night, an Indian-trading Boat, 42 Feet long and up-
wards of 7 feet wide, with a Cabin in her Stern, and Sta-
ples in her Side, and a king bolt in her Head.H
These long, narrow boats, by necessity, displaced only three or four feet
of water, as the rapids just above the site of Augusta were a major obsta-
cle to river transportation. Nonetheless, such trading boats were quite
likely navigating the waters of the Tugaloo to Tugaloo Town in the early
As the Carolinians expanded their trade and settlement, they also
increased the intensity of the imperial rivalry. The Spanish and French
responded to Carolina's growing Indian trade by founding Pensacola in 1698,
Biloxi in 1699, and Mobile soon afterwards. The French expansion especi-
ally aroused in the English a fear of the "menace of French encirclement,"
and the French avidly courted the Indians, including the Cherokees . 13
All of the tribes had been provided with ample reasons for hating
the Charles Townians by this time. A great many of the Cherokees owed the
traders for goods received in advance, and it had also become obvious that
the English settlements were spreading rapidly, eliminating coastal tribes.
Furthermore, the growing English slave trade in Indians was terrifyingly
ruthless. Matters were also aggravated by the fact that most traders were
"not (generally) Men of the best Morals," frequently exploiting the Indi-
ans' fatal susceptibility to "fire-water" to perpetrate unfair exchanges.
The situation was so bad that it was said:
There are a number of Idle Desolate People White men who
under the notion of Traders live a Debauched and wicked Life
and have nothing to do, and for want of Subsistence become a
burthen [sic] to the Cherakee [sic] Indians. 14
These factors combined to provoke the Yamassee War of 1715, when all
the Southern tribes, with the exception of the Chickasaw, conspired to
destroy the Charles Town settlers because of their hatred for the traders.
In a surprise attack, the Cherokees wiped out the English traders among
them, except for one who escaped to Charles Town with a dire warning. The
17,000 Cherokees then prepared to add their numbers to the other Indian
hordes arrayed against the 5,000 Carolinians. The French gloated, as the
very survival of the Southern English colonies seemed to be in doubt, but
the English rallied to defeat the Yamasee, the Apalachee, and some of the
Northern tribes as well, causing the Cherokees to waver in their hostility
Also, at this point, the Cherokees must have considered the consequences
of their actions where trading was concerned, for in spite of numerous h
eyed promises, few goods had found their way to the mountains from the
French . ^-^
At this critical juncture, late in 1715, Colonel Maurice Moore led
300 men to Tugaloo Town to persuade the Cherokees to renew their friend-
ship with the English. The small colonial army marched up the Tugaloo
to the village at the mouth of Toccoa Creek, shadowed by Indian scouts
for the last several days. Captain George Chicken, already something of
a hero, kept a vivid journal of the march. Upon arriving in the Chero-
kee country, Chicken reported:
Thorsday ye 29 - This day we drewe up ower men and
marched to tugaloe where ye Indens meat us with the Eigalles
Talles [feather and dresses] and made their semimoneys [cer-
emonies] then come som ould men with black drinke to give
us when they retorned back they tould us to march into ye
Town they made [a] lane of there men to ye Round Howes
where ye Congyer ["Charity Hayge" of Tugaloo, archi magnus
of the Lower Towns and firm friend of the English, who
greatly esteemed him] satt in State to Receive us after we
toucke him by ye hand We stept back then he came and strode
before us with his hands oupen to Receive ye 2 white flages
wich he did then gave them to one of his men to seat one of
ye Tope of ye Round Howes
On December 30, the Colonials met with the Conjuror and began "ye dis-
cours." The leader of Tugaloo Town told the soldiers that "he and ye
English was all one that he nore none of his men should ever fitte
ageanst us aney more...." The Cherokees did not want to fight the
Yamassees either, "as for ye Crickes [Creeks] they hade promesed to com
down when we came up..." to negotiate. The Conjuror told the English
that he did not wish to fight the Catawbas and Yamassees , but that he
had no objections to taking on the Yuchis and Apalachees . He continued,
saying that the Creeks had promised to negotiate with them, and they
were expected soon.
Staying at the Lower Towns, the English observed two parties among
the Cherokees — the Conjuror of Tugaloo, who led a peace faction com-
prised mostly of leaders of the Lower Towns, closer to the English; and
the Cherokees of the mountains, who were inclined not to betray the
other tribes, but rather to continue the war against the English. For
the time being, however, the Cherokees promoted negotiations with the
oncoming Creeks, and the English agreed to wait, their force scattered
among the Lower Towns to make provisions more accessible.
The Cheiokees' involvement in these crucial negotiations, however,
did not abate their love for the ballgame. On January 7, the team
from Tugaloo Town traveled 25 miles to Tohowee , on the Salwege River,
for "a greatt ballplay." Four days later, "ther was a greett ballplay
att Esttohee [Old Estatoe] agenst ye peaple of Tugaloe...."
In three weeks, a large war party of Creeks secretly arrived [on
January 27], consisting of perhaps 200 to 500 warriors. The English at
Tugaloo saw only a dozen Creek chieftains, who went into the "Round
Howes." Suddenly, there came a war-whoop and outcries, as the Creek
emissaries were "put to the knife" by the Cherokees. Later, the English
found out about the Creek war party and its proposal to massacre the
scattered Carolina army and then to fall upon the frontier settlements.
The Carolinians greatly appreciated the closeness of the call, for the
Creeks had almost convinced the Cherokees to agree to their plan when,
"as Providence order' d it, they chang'd their minds and fell upon the
Creeks and Yamusees [sic] who were in their towns and kill'd every man
of them." The remainder of the Creek war party was then driven off. '
This "massacre" at Tugaloo Town had far-reaching consequences.
Disaster for the Southern English colonies was thus narrowly averted,
and the basis was laid for a trading alliance between Charles Town and
the Cherokees, which waxed and waned for the next 50 years. The Yamas-
see War opened the eyes of many English colonials to the overall impor-
tance of the imperial struggle, and, finally, the Creeks were motivated
to remove from northwestern Georgia and retire closer to the French at
Mobile. For the next few generations, the Creeks would seek to wield
the balance of power in the Southeast, and they still sought this as
late as the 1780s, when a Creek raiding party ambushed and wounded Jesse
Walton on his Tugaloo land. "
In 1717, a trading factory was established near Tugaloo Town close
to the site where Devereaux Jarrett's bridge would one day cross into
South Carolina, and the Tugaloo crossroads increased in importance as
trade between the English and the Cherokees developed. During the 18th
Century, Charles Town traders reached the Cherokees by water routes or
"well-beaten roads." The Indian trading paths "really began," Vernor
Crane observes in The Southern Frontier, "at the fall-line of the riv-
ers," and Fort Congaree, built in 1718 and situated "at the head of the
Santee Swamp," was a major stopping-place on the trails to the Catawbas
and the Cherokees . From Congaree, traders could reach Tugaloo and the
Lower Towns. According to Crane, from Congaree:
[The] path followed the southern margin of the Congaree
watershed, through Saluda Old Town and Ninety-Six, so-called
because ninety-six miles from Keowee, and then crossed over
to the headwaters of the Savannah River. From Dividing
Paths near Apple Tree Creek one path ran westward to the
heart of the Lower Towns on the Tugaloo River, the other to
Keowee. At Tugaloo ... the English maintained one of their
principal factories ... Westward from Tugaloo, at the head
of the Chattahoochee, fifteen to thirty miles distant, were
the frontier towns towards the Creeks: Soquee or Sukeki,
Naguchee, and Echota. From Echota a difficult mountain path
led by way of Unacoi [sic] Gap over the lofty Blue Ridge,
then through the Valley Towns to the Head of the Hiwasee, a
branch to the Tennessee, and ultimately across the high Una-
kas by the Northwest Passage of the traders to the Overhill
Rather than turn southward through the Lower Towns, however, most trad-
ers went to the mountain Cherokees by way of Keowee and Rabun Gap. From
Charles Town, the nearest Cherokee village was 300 miles; the farthest,
500. 19 [See Map 4.]
As the trade developed, more and more traders used the Savannah
River route to the Cherokees. Vernor Crane describes this path as fol-
Long before the founding of Georgia, the Carolina trad-
ers followed a path to the Cherokee from Old Fort, opposite
Savannah Town, along the right bank of the Savannah River.
Later, this became the main highway between Georgia and the
mountain towns. But the usual Carolina route from Savannah
Town ran northeast of the river. Both trails entered the
Cherokee country at Tugaloo, where also ended the Indian
path, sometimes used by traders, from Coweta Town on the
Chat tahoochee . 20
The Yamassee War established an alliance between the South Carolin-
ians and Cherokees that never satisfied the Indians. Indeed, for the
Cherokees , the 18th Century was a troubled, even disastrous, time. The
warriors could never seem to get enough guns and ammunition from Caro-
lina to put them on a secure basis with other tribes, and they con-
stantly sought a more abundant source of trade. The headmen sent numer-
ous emissaries to the Virginians, Pennsylvanians , and the French, seek-
ing trade. While almost constant warfare made armament a necessity, it
also distracted braves from the deer-hunting they must do to gain pur-
chase power for guns and other trade goods. Add to these problems the
unsavory character of traders, their eagerness to develop the rum trade,
the ravages of plague, and the steady growth of settlement, and it
becomes easy to understand why this century was one of continuing crisis
for the Cherokees at Tugaloo and elsewhere.
By the middle of the 18th Century, the wise among the Cherokees
were aware of the degree to which the tribe had become dependent on man-
ufactured goods. Skiagunota, an old war chief of the Lower Towns,
expressed this realization:
My people . . . cannot live independent of the English
... The clothes we wear we cannot make ourselves. They
are made for us. We use their ammunition with which to
kill deer. We cannot make our guns. Every necessity
of life we must have from the white people. ■*-
At the Tugaloo villages, the quality of life suffered. Decades of
fighting, hunting, and living near the white men and their trade had
revolutionized Cherokee lifestyle. But the benefits of metal goods,
clothing, and decorations were more than offset by the evils of disease,
war, indebtedness, and drunkenness. Farming suffered from the distrac-
tions of disease and war. The religion and power of the "priestly cult"
declined, while the position of women became increasingly one of aliena-
tion. Meanwhile, village rivalry for tribal leadership — mostly among
the Chota, Keowee, and Tellicoe — rent the Cherokees. Only the bounty
of the land saved the Indians from poverty.
The war with the Creeks was a constant problem for the exposed
towns on the Tugaloo. Raiding parties could strike at any time, and it
seemed to the Cherokees that the English were favoring their enemies.
The Charles Townians set the Creeks' prices for trade goods at a lower
rate, and when the Conjuror of Tugaloo, a proven friend of the English,
was murdered by Creeks just outside Charles Town in the early 1720' s,
the Cherokees suspected English connivance. In 1724, they looked the
other way when a party of Creeks under "Gogel Eyes" looted the station
at Tugaloo, wounding trader John Sharp and making off with slaves and
goods. It was reported that the Cherokees felt that Sharp had been liv-
, • 24
mg up to his name.
In 1725, Colonel George Chicken set out from Charles Town on a mis-
sion to patch up the relationship between the English and Cherokees. He
visited a score of towns, explaining the Carolinians' position, pressing
gifts on the headmen, including the "Warrior of Tugelo," one of the
"Most Noted Men in the Nation." In mid-September, Chicken climaxed his
mission at Tugaloo Town, where "At the said Town they fired a Volly
[sic] at my Entrance of their Council House and Ussed [sic] their Cere-
mony before me...." Chicken informed the Indians that the English had
demanded satisfaction of the Creeks for their raid on Sharp's trading-
post, and the Creeks had already returned the slaves. ^
In October of that year occurred an event which indicates something
of what life must have been like for the Cherokees in the towns on the
Tugaloo during those years. In the "dead of night," four Creeks stealth-
ily approached Old Estatoe, the best fortified town in the area, fired
against the village and fled into the night with the Cherokees in hot,
but futile pursuit. Finally, in 1755, the Cherokees alleviated some of
the tension of such surprise attacks by defeating the Creeks in a battle
at Taliwa, just southwest of present-day Dahlonega.
Far worse than war, however, was the devastation wrought by small-
pox, especially an epidemic which swept the whole Cherokee Nation in
1738-39. In two years, the tribe's population was reduced by half.
Although the Indians were particularly susceptible to this white man's
disease, possessing little immunity against it, they worsened its impact
by treating the accompanying fever in a traditional manner: taking
steamy sweat-baths, followed by plunges into disastrously cold water.
At first, the tribal "magi and religious physicians" attributed the
plague to "aldulterous [sic] intercourses" of the young people, who had
been accused of having "violated" marriage customs "in every thicket."
As they had supposedly earned their illness through exposure to "night
dews," the shamen prescribed staying outside all night, splashing on
cold water, and singing " Yo Yo etc . with a doleful tone." These reme-
dies, of course, did not cure the smallpox. Thus:
When they found their theological regimen had not the
desired effect, but that the infection gained upon them,
thev held a second consultation, and deemed it the best
method to sweat their patients, and plunge them into the
river, — which was accordingly done. Their rivers being
very cold in summer, bv reason of the numberless springs,
which pour from the hills and mountains — and the pores
of their bodies being open to receive the cold, it rush-
ing in through the whole frame, they immediately expired:
upon which, all the magi prophetic tribe broke their old
consecrated physic-pots, and threw away all the other pre-
tended holy things they had for physical use, imagining
they had lost their divine power by being polluted; and
shared the common fate of their country. A great many
killed themselves; for being naturally proud, they are
always peeping into their looking glasses, and are never
genteelly drest [dressed], according to their mode, with-
out carrying one hung over their shoulders: by which
means, seeing themselves disfigured, without hope of
regaining their former beauty, some shot themselves,
others cut their throats, some stabbed themselves with
knives, and others with sharp-pointed canes; many threw
themselves with sullen madness into the fire, and were
slowly expired, as if they had been utterly divested of
the native power of feeling pain. 2'
The French seized this opportunity to spread rumors that the English
were purposefully circulating the disease in order to exterminate the
Cherokees and claim their lands. The Indians were inclined to believe
The prevalence of warfare, the decline of religion and farming —
all tended to undermine the Cherokee women's general position in the
tribe. Nonetheless, many English traders found it expedient and desir-
able to marry high-placed women of the various villages. Although the
Cherokee women were often attracted to the wealthy traders, they were
also inclined to marry them in order to regain lost status, and the
English married into the Cherokee tribe to an unparalleled extent on the
North American frontier. Hundreds of mixed marriages took place over the
years, but mixed-bloods did not exercise any considerable leadership in
the tribe before the 1760s. However, as hostility developed between the
Cherokees on the one hand and the traders and settlers on the other,
intermarriage was to achieve great historical significance, for many
women were forced to choose between white husbands and tribal loyalties.
During the course of the Revolution, some — led by Nancy Ward — came
to favor reconciliation with the American rebels over continued hostil-
ity and bloodshed in service to the English Crown.
The founding of Georgia did not relieve the Cherokees from the
pressures of war, trade, and change, although the Georgia colonists did
attempt to compete with South Carolina for Indian trade after 1735.
They soon built Fort Augusta, in 1739, and were well-located to offer
the Cherokees better prices than the Carolinians could. However, this
competition gave the Indians only short-term relief, for apparently the
colonists found it more profitable to compete in rum-trading than in
useful goods, and colony prohibitions against the liquor trade were
By 1751, settlers were, nearing the Tugaloo area, and their steady
advance gradually brought about a change in the tribe's thinking. His-
torians such as Woodward and Willis discern by the 1760s a trend in the
Cherokee tribe to put less effort into warring against other tribes, as
well as less disunity and competition among the Cherokee towns. From
the time of the French and Indian Wars (1754-1761) and the Cherokees'
disastrous war against the English colonies (1760-1761) , the tribe was
increasingly preoccupied with defending its lands from the encroaching
white settlers. ^
The French and English struggle to control North America erupted
into armed clashes in the mid-1750s. The Cherokees had accumulated
plentiful grievances against the English and made the fateful choice
during this time of siding with the French. As the Cherokees and colon-
ists traded bloody blows, the Lower Towns led in anti-English sentiment.
Tugaloo Town had harbored a grudge after 1751, when Carolina thieves
stole over 300 deerskins from Tugaloo hunters. The Tugaloos suspected
Justice James Francis of Ninety-Six of protecting the culprits, and
young Cherokee warriors retaliated by mingling with Seneca war parties
on the Georgia frontier. War came to the Tugaloo towns in June of 1760,
when Colonel John Montgomery led a surprise night-time attack on Keowee
and Estatoe, routing the Indians and burning the towns. Just a year
later, the whole Tugaloo cluster was laid waste by Colonel James Grant
and 2,000 men. The English came as before in "Green Corn Month" —
June — and gave the Lower Towns a ransacking from which they never
recovered. Grant's daily journal captured the tenor of the campaign:
We halted (at Etchoe) . Corn about the town was des-
troyed. Parties were sent out to burn the scattered
houses, pull up beans, peas, and corn, and to demolish
everything eatable in the country. Our Indian scouts,
with one of our parties, destroyed Neowee and Kanuga.
A scout of our Indians killed a Cherokee and wounded
another at Ayore. A miserable old squaw from Tasso was
brought in and put to death in the Indian camp by one
of the Catawbas.32
Grant's army carried the attack into the Middle Towns and then
abandoned the campaign in July, out of provisions. Fifteen towns and
1,500 acres of crops had been razed, and 5,000 Cherokees fled into the
mountains, only to face starvation. The Lower Towns' "immense" herds of
horses soon starved also, with some perhaps being eaten by the hungry
Indians. While some historians say the Lower Towns were never rebuilt,
Brown, in Old Frontiers , maintains that some of the towns at the Tugaloo
cluster were restored after the colonists reoccupied Fort Prince George
in the early 1760s. It is reasonably certain, however, that Tugaloo
Town never recovered from Grant's onslaught in 1761. At the onset of the
Revolution in 1776, Colonel Samuel Jack and 200 Georgians completed the
destruction of the towns at the headwaters of the Tugaloo. Colonel Jack
was accompanied by Lieutenant Leonard Marbury, who later look out grants
to land near Tugaloo Town and Old Estatoe. Tugaloo Town was ransacked
again in August by Andrew Williamson and several hundred soldiers from
South Carolina. [See Map 5.] After that, the lands on the river must
have been relatively empty until the acreage was plotted out to settlers
a decade later. ->
Williamson's Campaign in the
Lower Towns, 1776. *Site of
n PORT RUTLEDG
MARCH OF THE ARMY
MARCH OF DETACHMENT
Chapter 2 : T ugaloo and the Cherokee Frontier
Willis, Colonial Conflict, p. 11. Willis says that the Cherokees did
not settle on the Tugaloo until after 1600. Also, Woodward, The
Cheroke es , pp. 22, 23.
2 Samuel C. Williams, ed. , Adair's History of the American Indians (New
York: Promontory Press, 1930), pp. 242, 340. John H. Logan, A His -
tory_ of the Upper Country of South Carolina (Charleston, S.C.: S.G.
Courtenay Co., 1859), Vol. I, pp. 158-59.
Crane, The Southern Frontier , pp. 15, 16.
Ibid . , pp. 16-21. Also, Willis, Colonial Conflict , p. 16.
Crane, The Southern Frontier , p. 3.
° On the story of this struggle, read Willis, Co lonial Conflict ; Crane ,
The Southern Frontie r, p. v. ; and David H. Cockran, The Cherokee
Frontier , Conflict and Survival , 1740-1762 (Norman, Okla. : University
of Oklahoma Press, 1962).
' Crane, The Southern Frontier , p. 22.
8 Ibid. , p . 2 3.
9 Ibid. , pp. 30, 42, 43.
10 Ibid. , pp. 109-12, 126, 128.
Ibid . , p. 128. See also, A.R. Kelly and Clemens de Baillou, "Excava-
tion of the Presumptive Site of Estatoe," Southern Indian Studies ,
Vol. 12, October 1960, pp. 3-31.
Crane, The S outhern Frontier , p. 128.
13 Ibid. , pp. 48, 61, 62. Also, E. Merton Coulter, Georgia : A Shor t
History (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1942),
14 Willis, C olonial Conflict , pp. 61, 62, 68.
15 On the Yamassee War, see Crane, The Southern Frontier , pp. 175-85.
Trogden, The History of Stephens County , p. 5.
' Willis, Colonial Conflict , pp. 41-43; and Crane, The Southern Fron-
tier , pp. 150-52.
1° On the results of the Yamassee War referred to here and on Page 20 ,
see Willis, Colonial Conflict , pp. 43-47; Crane, The Southern Fron -
tier , pp. 182-85.
19 Crane, The Southern Frontier , pp. 129, 130; Willis, Colonial Conflict ,
20 Crane, The Southern Frontier, pp. 132, 133.
21 Corkran, The Cherokee Frontier, p. 14. Also, Willis, Colonial Con -
flict, p. 9.
22 Willis, Colonial Conflict, pp. 4, 125.
23 Ibid . , p. 50.
2 ^ Crane, The Southern Frontier , p. 266.
Mereness, Travels in the American Colonie s , p. 145.
Ibid . , pp. 160, 161; and Brown, Old Frontiers , p. 26
2 ' James Adair, History of the American Indians (New York: Promontory
Press, 1930), pp. 244, 245.
Brown, Old Frontiers , pp. 51, 52
" Willis, Colonial Conflic t , p. 125; and Woodward, The Cherokees , p.
30 Willis, Colonial Conflict , pp. 60, 61.
31 Ibid., p. 4; and Woodward, The Cherokees, pp. 86, 87.
32 Brown, Old Frontiers , pp. 90-96, 110; and Woodward, The Cherokees ,
pp. 75, 77, 78.
33 Brown, Old Frontiers , p. 154. Also, Corkran, The Cherokee Frontier ,
p. 247. Corkran indicates that Old Estatoe may have been defunct by
the time of Grant's mission. He also reports that the treaty forced
on the Cherokees at the end of the French and Indian Wars included a
cession of hunting lands within 40 miles of the Tugaloo towns, p.
262. Samuel Jack's expedition of Georgians did not finish off the
Cherokee Lower Towns for good. Ben Hawkins visited the Nacoochee
town of Little Chote as late as 1796; "Nacoochee Valley: Early Cross-
roads," an unpublished paper by Dr. Thomas J. Lumsden, Clarkesville ,
Georgia. On Williamson, see Colonial Records of North Carolina, Vol.
X, p. 746; on Marbury, see Charles C. Jones, The History of Georgia ,
Vol. V (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1883), pp. 245-47. On
the horses, see Logan, H istory of Upper S outh Carolina , p. 159.
JESSE WALTON: FRONTIERSMAN AND SETTLER
The Tugaloo River lands were pioneered by white settlers at the
climax of a wave of settlement which began in Pennsylvania, rolled
through Virginia and North Carolina, down the eastern slopes of the
Blue Ridge, and into northern Georgia by the mid-1780s. Most of the
first grantees to acquire land in what would become Franklin County,
Georgia, wore from North Carolina and Virginia. Obese and somewhat
rapacious, Colonel Ben Cleveland took out a grant to the site of Old
Tugaloo Town in 1785, while another veteran frontiersman, Major Jesse
Walton, ohtained a survey to land spanning the river at a ford slightly
downstream. The ford became known as Walton's Ford, and the good-sized
creek which entered the river nearby became Walton's Creek. Traveler's
Rest would one day stand at the southern border of Walton's 400-acre
grant. [See Map 6.]
Jesse Walton led a life of remarkable adventure and accomplishment
on the Southeastern frontier. The location and year of his birth are
not preciselv known, but it probably took place in Goochland County,
Virginia. When his father, William, died in 1746, Jesse was mentioned
in his will as the youngest son, and since the next older, William, was
born in 1736, Jesse's birth must have occurred sometime around 1740.
This makes him a contemporary of his frontier compatriots -- Joseph
Martin, John Sevier, and the Cleveland brothers, Ben, John, and Larkin.
The major route of the great mid- 18th-century migration down the
- 29 -
OLD KING'S HIGHWAY-^
ia/ai -rrMu odam-t r»M tuc TilfiAl fifi RI\/FR 1 7R*S
eastern slopes of the Appalachian Mountains was known as the "Great
Philadelphia Wagon Road," which skirted the mountains from Pennsylvania
to Georgia, following "an ancient warriors path" of the Iroquois. Set-
tlers — a great flood of English, Scotch-Irish, German, and, later,
African people — began to utilize this route along the frontier of
every colony south of Pennsylvania in 1744. After 1760, this migration
reached dramatic proportions. As Carl Bridenbaugh observed in Myths and
Realities , Societies of the Colonial South:
In the last sixteen years of the colonial era, south-
bound traffic along the Great Philadelphia Wagon Road was
numbered in tens of thousands; it was the most heavily
traveled road in all America and must have had more vehi-
cles jolting along its rough and tortuous way than all
the other main roads put together. 3
In the mid-1760s, this land-hungry tide of people swept up three
young men in Virginia — Ben Cleveland, Jesse Walton, and Joseph Martin
— and carried them eventually to the Tugaloo River. Like twigs in a
stream, Walton and Cleveland lodged for a time in western North Caro-
lina. In those years, the wagon road was hardly more than a trail in
that state, yet by 1765, most of the road had been cleared for horse-
drawn vehicles; its maintenance supposedly was overseen by county-
appointed commissioners, while local farmers earned "off-season" income
by filling holes, endeavoring to defeat the mud with gravel. From the
Yadkin River, the main portion of the wagon road ran on to Augusta, and
later, a lesser branch found its way to western South Carolina and
crossed the Tugaloo into northeastern Georgia — to the famous cross-
roads known as "The Dividings," at the site of Clayton in Rabun County,
the ancient Indian crossroads near Apple Tree Creek. According to Joan
Settlers coming into Georgia could come along the trail
[the Great Wagon Road] to 'the Dividings,' turn south, and
continue along a major Indian trail called the Unicoi . . .
This route, which later became the first vehicular way in
northeast Georgia, began at the Tugaloo River. ^
By the time Jesse Walton began to impinge on historical records, he
was a restless settler in western North Carolina who had married Mary
Walker. Around 1770, however, he and his near neighbor in Surry County,
Ben Cleveland, set out — along with William Hightower, Jesse Bond, and
Edward Rice — to sample the hunting grounds of fabled "Kaintuck." They
traveled in late summer over 300 miles into the wilderness, stopping on
the Kentucky River. They had a fine time pursuing game, but in October,
when they prepared to depart
. . . with the profits of their hunt . . . pelfry and fur-
skins, they was discovered by sum Cherokee Indians who at
first manifested friendship but err long they all was made
prisoners and all their property and fire arms taken from
them — their hats and shoes; and an old shot gun was
given in return.
According to one account, the Cherokee leader told the hunters that
all the game on Indian land belonged to the Indians, pointed east, and
said: "That is your way home, walk." The hungry hunters had time to
contemplate these words as they trod the 300 barefoot miles back to
North Carolina. Finally, they slaughtered a faithful friend, Walton's
dog. "They killed Toler," it was said, "and found him very fat, for a
Ben Cleveland, however, was not one to let his property go quite so
easily, and he resolved to return to the Cherokee country,
... in opposition to wishes of his friends, to whose remon-
strances he replied 'that they (the Indians) had robbed him
of all he had, that he would as soon die as to be left in
so destitute a condition.'
A few months later, Ben
. . . got sum of his confidential friends and after making
the necessary arrangements visited the Town where the Indi-
ans resided that had plundered him and his party. The head
man after being sattisfyed [sic] made ample sattisfaction
[sic] for their losses.
Historians agree that upon Cleveland's return "he saw the lands on
the Tugulo [sic] River, now Pendleton District, So. Carolina but as the
Revolution was came [sic] on, he never had it in his pover to Explore
the country untill [sic] Lt was over." The record does not say what
Cherokee towns they had visited, to be returning by way of the Tugaloo,
and this memoir of Devereaux Jarrett's neighbor, Ben Cleveland, Jr.,
fails to mention whether or not Walton accompanied the "rescue mission."
When the colonies opted for independence, Jesse Walton was an
experienced militia officer in Surry County, North Carolina. Accord-
ing to the Draper Manuscripts, Walton's company of minutemen was the
first to be raised in that county. In August of 1775, Walton and Ben
Cleveland were on the Surry Committee of Safety, which took a stand
against taxation without representation, resolving:
... that those who now would subject all America or this
Province to Dependency on the Parliament of Great Britain
are guilty of a very Dangerous Innovation injurious to the
Crown and inconsistent with the Liberty of American sub-
jects; and that by the Law of Nature and the British Con-
stitution no man can be Legally Taxed, or have his prop-
erty taken from him without his consent, given by himself
or his Representatives.
Soon, Walton and Cleveland were appointed to confiscate Tory ammu-
nition, and in September of 1775, Walton became a member of the Special
Committee of "secrecy and intelligence." During that winter, he ful-
filled the position in investigating the loyalty of the Moravians at
Wachovia, North Carolina, who were subsequently cleared of charges of
aiding the British. The Moravians, however, apparently took a dim view
of Walton and his company, for when under investigation by the "Commit-
tee of Safety," they wrote that one day, "Capt. Walton and his company
drew up before the tavern; some of the men spoke joyfully of the booty
they were going to get." At this time, the Moravians reported that Wal-
ton had tested their loyalty through their willingness to accept the
Patriots' tender: "Capt. Walton and his Lieutenant, Benjamen Cleveland
... went into the store and workshops and took what they wanted, charg-
ing it to public account." In February of 1776, the Moravian Records
again briefly mentioned Walton's company, also in an unfavorable light.
The community at Bethabara (near Wachovia) "had been frightened by men
wearing buck-tails in the hat, presumably ... from [Walton's] Company,
which has been roughly treating people on the Atkin.""
Also in February, agent Walton was active in leading the militia in
the capture of two of the area's foremost Tories, who were charged with
conspiring to help the British. Before long, Walton's company was on
the march, along with General Griffith Rutherford, to confront 3,500
Loyalists at Cross Creek. Before the Surry County men could arrive to
gather any laurels, however, the Patriots had won the Battle of Moore's
Creek, and Walton's men were allotted the unsatisfying task of guarding
prisoners. The watchful Moravians wrote:
March 13. Capt. Walton and his company spent the night
in the tavern [at Salem] on their return from Cross Creek,
which caused a great deal of disturbance there, though it
was fairly quiet in the town. 1 ^
Early in the Revolution, the traders' custom of marrying into the
Cherokee tribe became a prime factor in the course of the war on the
frontier. Nancy Ward, a "Ghighau" or "Beloved Woman" of the Cherokees
since she fought in her husband's place at the Battle of Taliwa in 1755,
took an active role in promoting peace between the Cherokees and the
settlers. Respected by both peoples as "queenly and commanding," Nancy
married Bryant Ward, a trader, around 1760. When she could not keep the
Cherokees off the warpath through persuasion, she warned the whites of
impending attack in July of 1776. One of those who felt that the two
peoples should learn to live together, the "Ghighau" acted to save lives
on both sides.
By May of 1776, Jesse Walton held the rank of major. That summer,
the Cherokees of the Middle Towns in North Carolina were perpetrating
bloody raids on the frontier settlements, as Nancy Ward had warned.
Rutherford's brigade was ordered after the "hostiles," and Walton was
dispatched with a force of 300 under Lieut. Col. Joseph Williams to pro-
tect the settlers on the waters of the Holston, Watauga, and Nolachucky
rivers. They were to join Colonel William Christian at the Long Island
of the Holston (Joseph Martin's Station) and combine for an attack on
the Overhills. The Cherokees were shortly forced to sue for peace,
granted on the condition of their meeting at Long Island to cede a por-
tion of much-coveted land to Virginia and North Carolina.
Part of the Surry Countv troops remained in the western country to
build and garrison a fort, and under Jesse Walton's command, Fort
Williams was placed on the Nolachucky River near Jacob Brown's settle-
ment. Walton must have been quite attracted to the Tennessee country,
for, in spite of the dangers, he bought a plantation in the neighborhood
in 1777. Nearby, Ben Cleveland was commanding a garrison at John Car-
ter's Fort on the Watauga, and the two North Carolina outposts cooper-
ated with Joseph Martin's Station in an endeavor to protect the frontier
settlements . *■•*
That summer, all the soldiers attended the treaty conference at the
Long Island of the Holston. Fort Williams was taken over by Colonel
John Sevier and western troops, and when Sevier moved to a plantation
near Walton's, he and Jesse are presumed to have developed an "abiding
friendship." Soon Walton exercised political leadership in the area,
becoming a justice of the Court of Pleas for Washington County in Febru-
ary of 1778. Before taking a seat on the bench, however, he apparently
returned to Surry County to gather his possessions and move his family.
In May of that year, Walton and Sevier were commissioned to oversee con-
fiscated Tory property. [Years later, Draper's sources claimed that Ben
Cleveland had grown wealthy through his leading role in confiscating
Tory property; however, the present author has not seen any speculation
along these lines regarding Walton, and it is not known how Walton
acquired his wealth.]
In the fall of 1778, Walton was instrumental in the founding of
what would one day be Tennessee's first town, Jonesborough , being
appointed in November to "lay off the place for erecting the courthouse,
prison, and stocks." He was out to make an impact in North Carolina
politics, for he chose to name the town after one of the state's leading
Patriots, Declaration of Endependence-signer Willie Jones. Walton was
chosen to servo as Washington County's representative in the state leg-
islature, and in Halifax in 1779, he introduced a bill officially
establishing Jonesborough . He was appointed:
... to lay out and direct the building of said town . . .
and to make or cause to be made a fair plan of said town
and number the lots, and take subscriptions for said lots,
which shall be done by ballot in a fair and open manner
. . . Every grantee of any lot shall within three years
build on said lot one brick, stone, or framed house,
twenty feet long and sixteen feet wide . . . with a brick
or stone chimney....
Walton acquired nine of these lots in 1781, although he could have
hardly planned to put a house on each. However, these lots made him
Jonesborough ' s most substantial property owner. His old Kentucky hunt-
ing friend, Jesse Bond, apparently a tag-along, bought two lots. Jesse
was the "leading spirit" in the town, and the most active town commis-
sioner, his duties including executing deeds, keeping accounts, and sit-
ting on the county court — all this when he was not away serving in the
Nortli Carolina Legislature or in combat. Unfortunately, Walton's lot
speculation was undermined by Jonesborough ' s slow growth in the begin-
ning. *■ '
Washington County records also show that Jesse Walton often sat
with the court at Jonesborough. Beset by the dangerous difficulties of
the Revolution, intermittent Indian wars, and a semi-barbarous populace,
this court was determined to establish law and order on the frontier
through stern justice. Horse thieves were punished by being pilloried
for one hour, having both ears cut off, receiving 39 lashes each, and
having H and T branded on their cheeks.
Apparently, citizens of the Watauga region were not all
Whigs, for the court minutes show frequent efforts to deal with the Tory
problem, several individuals being tried for high treason. In the sum-
mer of 1779, Walton and Jesse Bond appeared as witnesses accusing one
Benjamen Holley of that crime. Holley must have fled, however, for the
records contain no mention of his trial, but it is reported that his
property was confiscated. Another somewhat mysterious case was that of
James Gibson, who was called before the justices in February of 1781,
while Jesse Walton sat on the bench. Gibson seems to have publicly
expressed an unacceptable opinion of the court, for the records only
James Gibson being brought before the court for throw-
out Speeches against the Court, to wit, saying that the
Court was perjured and would not do Justice, and other
Glaring Insults — the Court on Considering the matter are
of opinion: That the said James Gibson is Guilty of a fla-
grant breach of Peace and for the Same and the Glareing
[sic] and dareing [sic] insults offered to the Court do
order that the said James Gibson be fined the sum of fif-
teen thousand pounds and that he be kept in custody till
the same be paid. y
The outcome of this case is not given, nor do the records reveal any
details of the trial and Gibson's potent accusations.
Meanwhile, the Revolutionary War continued. Fearing and hating the
encroaching settlers, many Cherokees were eager to lay waste to the fron-
tier. In 1779, Joseph Martin, Virginia's Cherokee agent, wrote to Gov-
ernor Patrick Henry that the Chickamauga branch of the tribe was plan-
ning to ravage the western settlements. Henry proposed a joint attack
on the Indians from North Carolina and Virginia, and Colonel Charles Rob-
ertson was chosen to lead the Watauga forces, while Walton was to be com-
missary. He refused the post but did agree to be contractor for the army.
and was given -£r5,000 to provide supplies. Samuel C. Williams, historian
of Tennessee, reported that Walton went along on the ensuing campaign,
which moved down the Watauga from Big Mouth Creek, where the Americans
"wholesomely chastized" [sic] the Chickamaugas .
Walton rounded out his Revolutionary career by serving as one of
three auditors to settle claims by citizens against the state for prop-
erty impressed during the war, participating in the Battle of King's
Mountain, and joined another campaign against the Cherokees. History
books yield no special mention of Walton's part in the heroics at King's
Mountain. On September 26, 1780, several hundred "overmountain men,"
including Jesse Walton, gathered at Sycamore Shoals on the Watauga and
resolved to march southeast and confront a Tory army controlling the Car-
olina "Upcountry," led by a redoubtable British Regular Colonel Patrick
Ferguson. On the same day, Colonel Elijah Clarke led 400 refugees from
Dennis Mill, Georgia, heading for the Watauga settlement — the nearest
area then under the control of the American rebels. The Patriot cause
had suffered calamities in Georgia, and in mid-September, Clarke had led
a small force in an attack on Augusta. Its repulse had brough about the
arduous march which the Whig refugees then faced. Eating little besides
nuts and berries gathered on the way, Clarke's people made an 11-day
journey, harassed by the spectre of defeat and hostile Indians. The
illiterate Clarke bitterly dictated a report:
Colonel Cruger, from Ninety-Six, with a body of Tories
and Indians, followed us into the upper settlements of
Georgia and, finding us out of reach, fell on the sick and
wounded together with old men, women and children of the
families of those that adhered to or retreated with us.
Lads were obliged to dance naked between two large fires
until they were scorched to death; men stripped, dismem-
bered and scalped, and afterwards hung up; It is too pain-
ful for me to dwell on this subject. 22
At the Watauga, the refugees were sheltered with the Seviers, Waltons,
and other families in the area. Meanwhile, the frontiersmen rode and
marched down the mountains by another route, encountered Ferguson's
Tories, and bloodily defeated them at the Battle of King's Mountain on
The Georgia refugees arrived at the Watauga settlement, where
events proceeded rapidly. Clarke joined the fighting in South Carolina,
was wounded, and came back to winter at the Watauga. Soon after return-
ing from King's Mountain, John Sevier led an expedition, which included
Clarke and Walton, against the threatening Chickamauga Cherokees. The
backwoodsmen burned several towns, sparing only Nancy Ward's Echota;
their most decisive victory occurred at Boyd's Creek. There, on Decem-
ber 16, 1780, a small army of frontiersmen marching south of the French
Broad River discovered a Cherokee ambush and turned the tables on the
Indians. Walton capably commanded the right wing of the frontiersmen,
"briskly wheeling" his men in a pincers manuever designed to trap the
Cherokees. The left wing failed its part in the task, but nonetheless,
a decisive victory was achieved.
At Echota, Nancy Ward sent the hungry troops some cattle, a few of
which Clarke immediately ordered slaughtered. This action greatly
piqued the recently-arrived Joseph Martin, however, who was apparently
already chagrined over Sevier's invasion of the Cherokee country without
waiting for him. Martin reclaimed the gift of the cattle of his mother-
in-law, an act which enraged Clarke. When Clarke came up,
. . . hot words were exchanged until Martin drew his sword
Clark, with a stroke like lightning, thrust aside the
sword, jumped him with his fists, and a lively fight
ensued. Both were large men and of impulsive temperments,
Colonel Sevier had difficulty separating them and adjust-
ing their differences . 25
Back at Watauga, the restive Clarke decided late in the winter of
1781 to return to the field in Carolina and Georgia, and Jesse Walton
and 130 Wataugans went along to help the Georgians "in struggles which
were growing bitter instead of ameliorating.' After a few battles,
Walton must have led the Watauga men back to Tennessee. There can be
little doubt that his association with Clarke was a factor in his mov-
ing to Georgia about four years later. '
In spite of his great successes in Tennessee, however, Walton was
apparently dissatisfied in Washington County, and in 1783, he visited
Georgia "with a view toward removal." Like his comrades-in-arms, he
was always on the lookout for more and better lands.
It was taken for granted on the frontier that any man
worth his salt would reach for as much land as he could
possibly hope to get. The acquisition of land was one
means by which any man might aspire to wealth, and it was
an American principle as well established then as it has
remained since that material advancement should consti-
tute any man's major purpose in life. 28
No doubt Walton's decision to move to the Tugaloo River was influ-
enced by the issuance of bounty grants in Franklin County by Georgia. It
happened that General Elijah Clarke was again visiting Sevier on the
Watauga in 1783, and historian Samuel C. Williams hypothesized that Clarke
may have lured Walton southward. 29 Certainly Walton would have been influ-
enced by the plans of his old comrades — the Clevelands, Jesse Bond, and
Edward Rice — to settle on the Tugaloo. Whenever possible, frontier peo-
ple preferred to migrate in groups of several families, and thus had Eli-
jah Clarke come to Georgia in 1773. The advantages of ready familiarity
with neighbors were numerous in those years of mutual dependency. Sev-
eral of Jesse Walton's Watauga neighbors appear in both the Washington
County, Tennessee, and the Franklin County, Georgia, records, among them
being Jesse Bond and Edward Rice; William Gray and James Wyly also lived
near Walton in Tennessee before moving to the Tugaloo. It is not known
whether these families moved together, but they well may have. U
Other Revolutionary War veterans whom Walton probably knew also
settled there, for the attractive lands were easily available to veter-
ans. -*- The list of Walton's neighbors who were veterans included Leon-
ard Marbury, Elijah Isaacs, William Clark, James Blair, James "Horse
Shoe" Robinson, and John Stonecypher. Samuel C. Williams stresses the
presence of George Walton, one of Georgia's signers of the Declaration
of Independence, and his family near Franklin County as an explanation
for Jesse Walton's move, but since Jesse settled near the Clevelands, it
seems that this friendship was the stronger lure. The relationship of
the two Walton families was not as close as Williams thought it to be.
In 1785, Jesse Walton began to take out grants on the Tugaloo
River. Of his several tracts, only one, 287-1/2 acres on Walton's
Creek, was close to the Walton's Ford tract and in the vicinity of the
future site of Traveler's Rest. Sometime soon after deciding to settle
on the Tugaloo, he faced the unenviable task of moving his family and
belongings down from Washington County, a journey which was surely
accomplished by 1786. Walton had to organize the transportation of his
large family, slaves, and possessions along Indian trails from the Nola-
chuchy to the Tugaloo. The removal was accomplished without wagons —
perhaps along the route which Clarke had followed when fleeing Augusta
From the inventory of Walton's estate, it is possible to hypothe-
size the difficult journey of the family. An unknown number of people
and animals made up the Walton caravan. Probably there was more than
one family making the journey, but in any case, well-armed men and boys
led the way down forest paths. Some may have been mounted on a few of
Jesse Walton's eight or so horses; however, certainly most of the horses
were utilized to transport the household furniture, kitchen utensils,
tools, and other belongings. The pack horses, women, and slaves fol-
lowed the party's vanguard, and behind these were driven the few score
cattle and hogs, as well as a handful of sheep. The livestock set the
pace for such caravans — a slow one — and were herded by slaves and
boys. Behind these, no doubt, followed an alert rear-guard, for the
mid-1780s were years of intermittent warfare, and the Waltons were
traveling through hostile Indian country. Such caravans were loosely
organized, with dogs and children ranging up and down the column. At
best, the Waltons could make only a few miles a day. As one astute
observer on the Great Wagon Road noted, "It's a great life for dogs and
men, but it's hell on women and steers. "33
A surprising number of the King's Mountain veterans came to settle
on the Tugaloo. In addition to Jesse Walton, Ben Cleveland, James Wyly ,
William Gray, and James Blair, there was James "Horse Shoe" Robinson,
who lived to see his Revolutionary adventures fictionalized in a popular
romantic novel by John Pendleton Kennedy. 34
Walton left no record of his reasons for leaving Tennessee. Per-
haps the availability of Tugaloo lands, favorably remembered from his
pre-Revolutionary War visit, coupled with the other reasons mentioned
previously, is sufficient explanation. Nonetheless, there existed
other factors which may have inclined Walton toward Georgia.
Possibly he was influenced by factors which undoubtedly persuaded
his acquaintance Joseph Martin to follow him a few years later. Walton
may have been repulsed by the Tennessee attitude toward the Indians,
summed up in John Sevier's condemnation of Indian children as "Nits
that make lice."-'-' Continued war between the Cherokees and the set-
tlers, many of whom stubbornly violated the Treaty of Long Island,
seemed certain. The year after the Revolution ended, frontier people
reported at least 200 of their number killed, and this danger may have
influenced Walton to move to the apparently more secure — and empty —
Tugaloo lands. Some of his new neighbors, especially Bryant Ward,
Joseph Martin, and William Wofford, had close ties with the Cherokees.
Living on the North Carolina frontier west of the Blue Ridge in
the early 1780s, Walton must surely have felt the insecurity evinced
by his neighbors, Sevier and Martin. The United States government had
proven unable to protect the frontier people, and the Indians consti-
tuted a grave, continuing threat. Even George Washington believed the
western territory would be difficult to hold, and Martin and Sevier
secretly courted Spain for southwestern land grants. This uncomforta-
ble situation must have influenced Walton's decision. Then came the
move to create the state of Franklin in 1784. Walton, who had invested
considerable effort in North Carolina politics, developing eastern con-
nections, may have opposed the Franklin movement, and as a local leader,
he was conspicuously absent from the first Franklin Convention, held in
August of 1784. His sale of Jonesborough property was the first
recorded under the Franklin government. '
A further, economic factor may have also influenced Walton's move.
Before he sold his land in Franklin, the Spanish declared the Missis-
sippi River closed to American traffic, and even at that early date,
the westerners were well aware that this tightened an economic noose
around their necks. All these elements must have made life west of the
Blue Ridge appear rather insecure, and when the empty lands of the Tug-
aloo became available, Jesse Walton decided that they were worth the
difficult move. °
Doubtless Walton felt that he could breathe more easily when he
witnessed the negotiations and signed the Treaty of Hopewell in the sum-
mer of 1785. In this treaty, the Cherokees ceded the land of their for-
mer Lower Towns on the Tugaloo , along with the lands at the Tugaloo
crossroads, soon to become Walton's Ford. y Any feelings of security
enjoyed by the Waltons, however, were short-lived, for in 1786, the
Creeks began raiding the Georgia frontier.
By the 1780s, the Creeks were being heavily pressured in their
lands in the old Southwest. They wanted, above all, to maintain a sup-
ply of trade goods and hold onto their lands, and both of these goals
led them to accept the ready friendship of Spain. Alexander McGilli-
vray , the mixed-blooded and well-educated leader of the tribe, began a
skillful game of diplomacy and warfare to gain the Creeks' end. Assured
of Spanish supplies, he collected
... a Sufficient Number of Warriors & ... set [them] out
without loss of time & to traverse all that part of the
Country in dispute & whenever they found any American set-
tlers to drive them off.... Parties of Warriors Set out
in every direction to wherever the Americans were Settled,
& where they were forming new establishments.
McGillivray sought to curtail settlement without provoking a retaliatory
invasion on the part of the Americans, and for the rest of his life, he
succeeded in this aim, bringing a reign of tension and danger to the
settlers on the Tugaloo.
The Tugaloo settlers responded to these Creek attacks with ala-
crity. When the Indians struck and stole Jesse Walton's horses in
March of 1786, Joseph Martin happened to be at the river. Not knowing
"what Savages" were attacking, the next "Morning Col. Martin with a
party of men pursued on tract overtook them on the Fryday evening fol-
lowing, at a Village lately erected on Hightower River occupied by the
Creek Indians." The borderers' report to the governor continued:
There [at the Hightower] found in possession of the said
Creek Indians the above mentioned horses, brought away two
the Property of Major Jesse Walton, the other three being
the Property of the Cherokee Indians Col. Martin thought
best not to concern with them. Those Depredations has
obliged us to act on the Defensive which we hope will meet
your Honors approbation.
That Col. Martin take command of Twenty men and go to
said village and Request to be at peace with said Indians
and to kuow their reasons for such conduct. this is a
Step we have taken for our own Safety being drove to it by
Benj . Cleveland Jno . Barton
Tho. Payne Lewis Shelton
John Gorham Moses Guest
Larkin Cleveland Sheriff^ 2
Despite this peace overture, however, the "hit-and ' run" warfare contin-
ued to beset the Tugaloo people. By May, Ben Cleveland, Jesse Walton,
and John Cleveland reported to Governor Tel I
Our people is Much Alarmed at the late hostilities
Acted by the Creek Indians on the Ocone [sic] and Expect
Every Moment When it Will be our unhappy fate and should
it be the Case the Consequence Will Certainly be Desper-
ate Our Settlement at this time is Verry [sic] Weak not
consisting of more than 45 men in the upper company which
have the Greater part of the frontier to face and them
are so Incumbered with their families So that they cannot
do Duty and expect to get weaker Every day Some moving
and others talking of Moving that we are Doubtful we Shall
be able to Stand through Weakness and Scarcity of Provi-
sions. We therefore humbly beg you'l send us a Relief of
men and Provisions to support themselves. We are Verry
Scarce and hardly can make out to Support our family. ^3
The settlers sent a wagon down to Augusta for arms and ammunition,
but although Telfair had promised prompt action, no powder and ball were
available. The governor then told the settlers to obtain aid from Eli-
jah Clarke, should an emergency arise. The immediate crisis passed;
nonetheless, the Tugaloo was the scene of sporadic violence for years to
come. In July of 1788, William Walker Walton, Jesse's oldest son, was
wounded. Others were killed.
Walton did not let the uncertainties of life on the Tugaloo deter
his political career, however. When the first Franklin County Superior
Court convened under George Walton at Warren Philpot's house, Jesse Wal-
ton was there to serve along with Ben and Larkin Cleveland. He was
elected to Georgia's Executive Council in 1786 and 1787; he served in
the General Assembly in 1789, and he appeared, at early middle-age, to
be on the verge of consumating his promising career." Meanwhile,
Walton contributed to the early settlement of Franklin County, building
a gristmill and helping with construction and improvement of roads,
probably supervising the laying of the road from Walton's Ford to the
Indian trading path that ran along the south side of the river .^"
The Waltons and their neighbors still lived with danger on the Tug-
aloo. Every spring and summer in the late 1780s, Creeks raided the fron-
tier, "to carry off stock and work animals, to burn the housing and
fences ... and to massacre some of the inhabitants." In 1787, Joseph
Martin observed, concerning the continuing outbreaks of Indian raiding:
Could a diagram be drawn, accurately designating every
spot signaled by an Indian massacree [sic], surprise, or
depradation, or courageous attack, defense, pursuit, or
victory by the whites, or station or fort or battlefield,
or personal encounter, the whole of that section of coun-
try would be studded over with delineations of such inci-
dents. Every spring, every ford, every path, every farm,
every trail, every house, nearly, in its first settlement,
was once the scene of danger, exposure, attack, exploit,
achievement, death. °
In those years, the settlers attempted to live and work in groups.
The militia ranged the forests, and although their scouting was some-
times uneventful, it was occasionally interrupted by violent skir-
mishes. According to Brice Martin, son of Joseph and sometime inhabi-
tant of the Tugaloo, Jesse Walton resettled on one of his Tugaloo grants.
Some years after the Indian troubles commenced he [Wal-
ton] removed his family 15 or 16 miles from his settlement
[perhaps across the river to Ben Cleveland's], but every
Season he brought up his force and tended his plantation
on the Tougalo [sic]. 50
In 1788, Walton may have participated in an ambush of a raiding
party of Creeks. The story has it that a party of Cherokees warned Ben
Cleveland and his son John that the Creeks were approaching, and a party
of settlers then surprised and drove off the marauders. Cleveland, by
all accounts an easy target, was severely wounded and had to be cared
for by the Cherokees.
In "Green Corn Month," June of 1789, Jesse Walton was "at his plan-
tation tending to his crop," when he and Sheriff Moses Guest were sur-
prised by some Creeks. Both were wounded, but "as they were on horse
back were able to get away." Walton was taken to Ben Cleveland's, where
he "suffered intensely" for three weeks before he died. From Cleveland's
house, Joseph Martin wrote to Patrick Henry in July of that year:
I attended the intended treaty with the Cherokee [on
the] 25th. last month at French Broad River, where the
Commissioners waited 12 days over the time appointed for
holding the treaty without hearing a word from the Indi-
ans. They then decampt and went on to meet the Creeks
... About the time the Indians were expected, they made
a surprise attack on this quarter, killed and wounded
several, among which was Major Walton, who is now at my
elbow, who I expect to expire in a few minutes from this
So Jesse Walton paid the price of frontier living. In later years,
a vivid but fanciful legend of his family's death at the hands of the
Indians developed. The origin of this legend is obscure, but it seems
quite likely that much of the story derived from the fun-loving imagina-
tion of Mary Jarrett White, Traveler's Rest's last private owner. Accord-
ing to the myth, vengeful Cherokees, eager to redress the balance with
Indian-fighter Walton, laid seige to an already-completed Traveler's Rest,
trapping Jesse's family within the house. For several days the heroic
Waltons held out, shooting at the savages from the "loopholes" still pre-
sent in the attic. Finally, the Indians burst in and slaughtered all the
Waltons save one lad, who hid in a secret hiding place over the porch.
Other versions provide other details, few of which are in accord with the
known facts. Eventually, grave sites were found to go along with the
story that Walton's family was massacred, and some hinted that the dark
stains on the upstairs hallway floor were surely some unfortunate Wal-
Although the actual details of Jesse Walton's death are scarce,
they clearly refute almost every incident of the massacre legend. First
of all, it is certain that Jesse did not build any of the house which
now stands at Walton's Ford. Second, it is known that he was ambushed
by Creeks, not Cherokees. Furthermore, a glance out of the supposed
"loopholes" in the attic reveals their complete inadequacy for defense
purposes. A crushing blow to the massacre legend, however, can easily
be found in the early Franklin County records, including Jesse's will,
for the entire Walton family appears in the these records years after
the mythological massacre. In spite of such conclusive evidence, mater-
ial from the stains on the upstairs floor was sent to the Georgia Insti-
tute of Technology in Atlanta, where laboratory tests revealed that the
dark spots were a type of paint thinner. Although historical legends
die hard, there is no longer any basis for belief in the traditional
story of the Walton massacre. The known facts provide sufficient inspir-
ation for those who love exciting history.
Walton was a victim of McGillivray ' s and the Creeks' efforts to
halt the spread of settlements. He lived and died in the vanguard of
the frontier, remembered as "a man with a large family, extensive prop-
erty, and of unbounded hospitality."-"
Before dying, Walton found strength to dictate his will:
In the name of God Amen,
I Jesse Walton of the state of Georgia, Franklin County,
being in a low state, altho in perfect mind and memory,
being disirous [sic] of settling all my affairs in this
life, do constitute this my last will and testament
requesting all others &, first I request that 1 he decently
buried, and all my just debts paid, the remaining part of
my estate to be disposed of in the following manner
(Item) I give and bequeth to my loving wife Mary all my
household furniture the balance of my estate I request to
be equally divided between my wife and my children, as soon
as my son George arrives to the age of twenty one years.
It is to be rembered [sic] that I did some time past give
my son Walker Walton two negroes (towit) Smart and Kyne,
together with some land, all which is to be considered in
part of his dividend of my estate. I do also request that
my loving wife Mary and my friend Larkin Cleveland, be
Executor of this my last will and testament, revoking all
others, I acknowledge this to be my last will and testa-
ment, in witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and
seal this thirteenth day of June Annodom. one thousand
seven hundred and eighty nine
Witness Jesse Walton seal
Recorded this 10th day of August 1790
in my office c^
Nathaniel Payne R.P.
The inventory of Jesse Walton's estate reveals that most of his
property was in land, farming equipment, livestock, and slaves. In
addition to 22 Negroes, Walton owned:
Crosscut saw 1
And household furniture
There is no mention in the inventory of houses or a gristmill, however.
Chapter 3: Jesse Walton : Frontiersman and Settler
1 Robert W. Ramsey, Carolina Cradle , Settlement on the Northwest Caro -
lina Frontier , 1747-1762 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North
Carolina Press, 1964); George Gilmer, Sketches of Some of the Fir st
Settlers of Upper Georgia , of the Cherokees and the Author (New York:
D. Appleton & Co. , 1855) ; Index to Headrights and Bounty Grants of
Georgia 1756-1909 (Vidalia, Ga. : Genealogical Society, 1970). See
Jesse Walton and Ben Cleveland.
Samuel C. Williams, "The Founder of Tennessee's First Town: Major
Jesse Walton," E ast Tennessee Historical Society Publications , No. 2,
1930, pp. 70-80.
3 Carl Bridenbaugh, Myths and Realities , Societies of the Colonial
South (New York: Atheneum, 1968), p. 130.
Joan A. Sears, "Town Planning in White and Habersham Counties, Geor-
gia, " Georgia His_torical_ 0uarter_ly_, No. 54, 1970, pp. 20-40; Parke
Rouse, Jr. , The Great Wagon Road , From Philadelphia to the South (New
York: McGraw-Hill Book Co.), pp. ix, 70, 93, 94.
Lyman C. Draper Manuscripts, King's Mountain Papers, 5DD104, 5DD13-3;
the Draper Manuscripts are now in the possession of the State Histor-
ical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. The Cherokees' bit-
terness at the hunters' presence is understandable. The tribe's
declining livelihood was dependent upon a diminishing supply of deer;
white hunters such as Walton and Cleveland were in effect stealing
the Cherokees' main source of "income." The Draper Manuscripts,
painstakingly collected over 40 years of the 19th Century, are espe-
cially valuable to this historian of the frontier in the Revolution-
ary and post-Revolutionary South. They include some interesting
documents concerning the Tugaloo frontier.
Ibid ., 5DD13-3.
Ibid . , 3DD311-20. Upon returning from Kentucky to North Carolina,
Walton and Cleveland must have been robbed by Cherokees from the
Lower Towns. Only thus can Cleveland's coincidental visit to the
Tugaloo be accounted for.
Williams, "Jesse Walton," p. 70.
Adelaide L. Fries, ed . , Records of: the Moravians in North Carolina
(Raleigh, N.C.: State Department of Archives and History; reprinted
1968), TIT, pp. 127, 1,048; Williams, "Jesse Walton," pp. 70-71.
10 Williams, "Jesse Walton," pp. 71-72.
11 Woodward, The Cherokees, pp. 86, 91, 94. "Ghighau," or "Beloved
Woman," was a title which enabled Nancy Ward to speak at all coun-
cils and make decisions regarding prisoners. In Ben Harris McClary,
"Nancy Ward: The Last Beloved Woman of the Cherokees," Tennessee His-
torical Magazine, Vol. 21, 1962, pp. 352-64. In Cherokee, "ghighau"
is spelled "Agi-ga-u-e . "
12 Williams, "Jesse Walton," p. 73.
13 Ibid- , pp. 73-75.
14 Ibid . , p. 74.
15 Ibid. , pp. 74-75; Draper Manuscripts, 5DD13.
16 Williams, "Jesse Walton," pp. 75-76.
17 Ibid . , pp. 76-78.
18 Everett Dick, The Dixie Frontier (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948), p.
1" "The Records of Washington County," American Historical Magazine , V,
1900, pp. 332-360, 372, 378.
20 Williams, "Jesse Walton," p. 78.
21 Draper Manuscripts, 15DD69 ; Williams, "Jesse Walton," p. 78.
22 Samuel C. Williams, "Col. Elijah Clarke in the Tennessee Country,"
Georgia Historical Quarterly , Vol. 25, 1941, p. 151; Louise Frederick
Hays, Hero of Hornet's Nest: A Biography of Elijah Clark (New York:
Stratford House, Inc., 1946), pp. 105-06; Pat Alderman, The Overmoun-
tain Men : Early Tennessee History (Johnson City, Tenn. : Overmountain
Press, 1970), p. 91
2 ^ Hays, Hero of Hornet's Nest , p. 114, indicates the wrong dates. See
also Samuel C. Williams, Tennessee During the Revolution (Nashville:
Tennessee Historical Commission, 1944), p. 201; and Williams, "Elijah
Clarke," pp. 151-55.
24 Williams, "Jesse Walton," pp. 78-79.
Hays, Hero of Hornet's Nest , p. 114.
Williams, Tennessee During the Revolution , p. 201.
27 Williams, "Jesse Walton," pp. 76-80.
Ibid . , p. 79; Dale Van Every, Ark of Empire : The American Frontier :
1784-1803 (New York: Mentor Books, 1964), p. 104.
Williams, "Jesse Walton," p. 80.
Hays, Hero of Hornet's Nest , p. 9; "The Records of Washington County,"
pp. 76, 88.
-*1 In 1776 and 1777, Georgia passed laws to encourage settlement and
increase military strength. The head of every family who moved to
Georgia could obtain 200 acres on the frontier, plus an additional 50
acres for each family member and slave [not to exceed 10] , at only
two shillings per acre. The land had to be settled within six months,
and 100 more acres could be obtained through the building of a grist-
mill. In 1780, the period for settlement was stretched to nine
months, the act being carried over into peace-time in 1783, at which
time a 1,000-acre maximum was imposed. Coulter, Georgia : A Short His -
tory , pp. 163-64, 195.
32 Williams, "Jesse Walton," p. 80; Draper Manuscripts, 5DD104; Index to
Headrights and Bounty Grants (see James Wyly, William Clark, James
Blair, and Elijah Isaacs).
Seymour Dunbar, A History of Travel in America (Indianapolis: Bobbs-
Merrill Co., 1914), I, pp. 126-28; Rouse, The Great Wagon Road , p.
-^ John P. Kennedy, Horse Shoe Robinson (New York: American Book Com-
pany, 1937), Earnest E. Levy, ed., p. 533; John H. Logan, Logan Manu -
script , Vol. II of Logan's History of Upper South Carolin a (Atlanta:
Chas. P. Byrd, State Publisher, 1910), DAR, pp. 60, 86. In Horse Shoe
Robinson, James, for some reason, was given the first name of Gal-
braith. A blacksmith, Robinson had appropensity for living at "horse-
shoe" bends in creeks, and when Kennedy met him, the veteran lived on
a bend of Chaugee Creek, near Ben Cleveland's former homestead, about
six miles from Walton's Ford. The cabin in which Robinson lived until
the early 1820s, when he moved to Alabama, still stands. In 1818, John
Pendleton Kennedy was visiting the Pendleton area, and one evening he
met the middle-aged Robinson and heard his tales of the battles of
"yesteryear." The stories fired Kennedy's imagination sufficiently to
cause him to write and publish, years later, a fanciful account of
"Horse Shoe's" adventures. Those experiences did not take place on
the Tugaloo, and therefore do not enter into this story; however, the
reader may form an opinion of the novel's quality from the following
poem by Chevy Chase which enhances its pages:
The Battle of King's Mountain
They closed full fast on every side,
No slackness there was found
And many a gallant gentleman
Lay gasping on the ground.
Oh dread! Tt was grief to see,
And likewise to hear
The cries of men lying in their gore
And scattered here and there. 34
35 Woodward, The Cherokees, p. 123.
Van Every, Ark of Empire , p. 23.
Ibid . , p. 195; Alderman, Overmountain Men , p. 189.
Van Every, Ark of Empire , pp. 16, 31.
39 Colonial and State Records of Nor th Carolina (Raleigh, N.C.), Vol
17, p. 584.
Woodward, The Cherokees , p. 105; Indian Depradations Records (Atlanta
Georgia Department of Archives and History, 1938), Vol. I, Pt . I, p.
^ Van Every, Ark of Empire , pp. 83-86; Brown, Old Frontiers, pp. 303-04,
42 Indian Depr adations Records , p. 436,
Ibid. , pp. 44b, 44c; Creek Indian Letters (Atlanta: Georgia Depart-
ment of Archives and History, 1938), Vol. I, p. 107.
Indian Depredation s Records , pp. 44, 44b; Creek Indian Let ters , p.
State of Georgia (Atlanta: Department of Archives and History, Stein
Printing Company, 1925), Governor's Official Register , p. 335.
46 Thelma Hunter's paper on Jesse Walton, Walton research files, main-
tains that Walton constructed a gristmill and a road. A clue con-
cerning this road is in Wynd ' s Franklin County , Georgia , Records , p.
82, which mentions Walton's Road.
4? Jonas Fauche, "The Frontiers of Georgia in the Late Eighteenth Cen-
tury ," Georgia !Lvs_torical p^a^terl^, Vol. XLVII, 1963, pp. 84-85.
Mooney, Myths of the Cherokees , p. 64.
4 9 Fauche, "Frontiers of Georgia," p. 85.
Draper Manuscripts, 14DD16.
51 Fauche, "Frontiers of Georgia," p. 85.
Draper Manuscripts, Tennessee Papers, 3XX308; King's Mountain Papers,
For various renditions of the Walton massacre legend, see: "Jarrett
Manor, Stained By Indian Massacre, Hallowed By Georgia's Great,
Becomes Shrine;" old Georgia Historical Commission leaflet, now in
files of the Historic Preservation Section. Emory Lavender, "Pioneer
Inn Is Restored," Anderson Independent , May 19, 1969, p. 5. Shirley
Roloff, "Manor Is Steeped in History," Atlanta Times , August 23, 1964.
Susan E, Spaeth, "Jarrett Manor Has Colorful Exciting History," The
Gainesville Daily Times , June 29, 1969. Andrew Spark, "Jarrett Manor
Mirrors Georgia's Past," Atlanta Journal and Constitution Magazine ,
September 6, 1959, pp. 6-9.
-^ Traveler's Rest Papers, Historic Preservation Section.
55 Fauche, "Frontiers of Georgia," p. 85.
56 Franklin County Court of the Ordinary, Will Book , 1786-1813 , p. 3.
Franklin County Court of the Ordinary, Minutes of the Court of the
Ordinary , Wills , Inventories , etc . , 1785-1813 .
THE TUGALOO NEIGHBORHOOD: 1790-1820
Far too little is known concerning the events which took place in
the vicinity of Traveler's Rest in the months and years following Jesse
Walton's death. County histories tell almost nothing about the early
years of settlement. It is known, however, that Joseph Martin soon did
as he had predicted in his Julv, 1789, letter to Patrick Henry and left
the Tugaloo area. Returning to the Cherokee country for a tour of the
principal towns, he went back to his place on the Long Island of the Hol-
ston. But Martin was a restless soul who never lingered long anywhere.
He had plentiful motivation to move out of Tennessee, and before 1790.
he decided to move to the Tugaloo, thus becoming a neighbor of the
Clevelands, Waltons, and Wards. He attracted to the area at least two
of his sons, William and Brice.
A brief biography of this man, probably the most "historically sig-
nificant" of those to be connected with the history of Traveler's Rest,
reveals that Joseph Martin was one of the foremost woodsrunners of the
generation of Daniel Boone, the Clevelands, and Jesse Walton. Born near
Charlottesville, Virginia, in 1740, he was an irrepressible adventurer
even as a youth. He took advantage of his family's efforts to provide
him with a good education, but preferred "a life of adventure on the
western border" to that of a Virginia planter. In 1756, Joseph and
Thomas Sumter ran away and joined the British colonial army at Fort
Pitt, afterwards participating in the French and Indian Wars. Martin
- 56 -
soon gained ample satisfaction for his taste for danger: alone in a
cave, he subdued a desperate Indian; he saved a "drowning companion in
the swollen French Broad;" and he ventured far into Indian country, liv-
ing with the Indians there.
Martin married young, and to a "superior woman," Sarah Lucas, but
he would not settle down.^ He was something of a gambler and a rousta-
bout, more of a woodsman and hunter. Accounts tell a story of Martin's
early relationship, in 1767, with Ben Cleveland, in which they shared a
field in Virginia. They planned to take advantage of the farmers' cus-
tom of cooperative harvesting, and invited the neighbors over for a com-
bined working and drinking project. A morning's preparatory libation
became an afternoon's carefree debauchery, and the crop was never har-
vested. To escape from such associations, Cleveland left the neighbor-
hood; Joseph Martin's maturation process occurred later on the fron-
In 1769, Martin led a party of settlers to Powell's Valley, in
western Virginia, where members of this group started to construct a
"station." The depradations of determined Indians, however, forced Mar-
tin to withdraw in the fall of that year, and he did not return for five
years. Back in Virginia, he settled his young family in what was to be
Henry County, where he made some profits from hunting and trading with
the Cherokees . The family remained on this estate until he moved them
to a more sumptuous place on Leatherwood Creek in 1803.
Too restless to remain anywhere for long, Martin continued to be an
active frontiersman, and in 1774, he led the Virginia scouts in a war on
the Shawnees. The Virginians' victory in that struggle opened the way
for Martin to return to Powell's Valley, and he did so with 17 companions
in the mid-winter of 1774-75. Martin sagaciously built his station
right on the Wilderness Road, about two miles from Cumberland Gap.
This time, the station lasted for over a year, but when the out-
break of the Revolution signaled the onset of a Cherokee war, Martin
again abandoned Powell's Valley in June of 1776. He had accepted the
difficult task of Indian agent of Virginia, a role which brought him
renown as a frontier leader. The major accomplishments of his career
came in his capacity as mediator to the Cherokees, and one of Martin's
historians, William Allen Pusey, wrote:
During the whole period of the Revolution, and in the
uncertain times later before the establishment of Federal
authority, he was the outstanding influence for peace with
the Indians in this territory. 7
Martin was put in charge of Cherokee affairs by Virginia in October
of 1775, becoming well-connected with the tribe in 1777 by marrying
Betsy Ward, daughter of "Beloved Woman" Nancy Ward and his later neigh-
bor, Bryant Ward. Martin lived with Betsy Ward for most of the time he
spent as Indian agent, and the marriage made it possible for him to be
adopted into one of the most powerful Cherokee clans. Martin's second
marriage, without dissolution of his first, did not arouse much contro-
versy with his first family, apparently. Evidently the bigamy bothered
only his son William, who later wrote: "He would go home to Va . , stay
a while, and strange as it may seem, it never produced any discord
between him and my mother." Martin quieted complainers by pointing out
how the relationship to the Ghighau's family often saved his life.
Martin collaborated with Nancy Ward, whose influence on Cherokee
history was vital. They worked closely to promote peace during the
Revolution, knowing from personal experience that Indians and whites
could indeed live together. One of the first Cherokees, and perhaps the
first, to perceive the course by which the Cherokees might survive the
era of American expansion and settlement, Nancy Ward was "purportedly
the 1st Cherokee in the nation to own cattle." During the Revolution,
she got a captive woman to teach some of her household skills to the
Indian women. William Martin wrote: "She was, I think, one of the most
superior women I ever saw.
Martin's influence was augmented considerably by his ability to
earn and keep the Cherokees' trust in him, and his Cherokee name was
purported to be "Gluglu," meaning "tall." The frontier situation after
1776, however, called forth Martin's martial, as well as his diplomatic
skills. The Cherokees were loyal to King George, eager to fight the
encroaching settlers, and sometimes encouraged to do so by British offi-
cers and Loyalists among them. In the summer of 1776, Martin joined
Jesse Walton in serving in an attack on the Cherokee towns from the Long
Island of the Holston. Thereafter, Martin used Long Island as his base
until he moved to Tugaloo in 1789.
As an Indian agent from 1777 on, Martin was remarkable. For
lengthy periods during the struggle for independence, his influence was
a key factor in keeping the Cherokees from attacking the American rebels.
His successful promotion of peace made it possible for the backswoodsmen
to march east to the Battle of King's Mountain, the turning point of the
Revolution in the South. The Cherokees did make a treaty with the Brit-
ish to make war on the settlors, but before they could mount a genera]
attack, they were invaded by Sevier's expedition of frontiersmen.
Joseph Martin arrived too late for this excursion late in 1780, which
destroyed several towns. His fisticuffs with Elijah Clarke were appar-
ently not conclusive.
During the years 1781-83, Martin was in on almost every treaty
negotiation with the Cherokees, and he also re-established his station
in Powell's Valley during this time. Ever active, he meanwhile became
involved in a large Tennessee land-speculation scheme, along with Wil-
liam Blount and John Sevier, but their plans proved unsuccessful. 13
In the early 1780s, when Martin's wife Sarah died, he somehow man-
aged to crowd yet another spouse into his busy schedule, marrying Susan-
nah Graves in 1784. They soon began what was to be his third family,
Joseph, Jr., being born the following year. This family lived in Vir-
• • 14
Throughout the 1780s, Martin hopped about the Southern frontier.
He sought to pacify the Cherokees and get the settlers to honor the many
treaties he helped negotiate, but the first task was constantly compli-
cated by the hopelessness of the second. The State-of-Franklin contro-
versy in the mid-1780s finally made his position in the Tennessee coun-
try unbearable, as the people of Franklin were determined to hold onto
land guaranteed to the Cherokees in the most recent treaties. They
hated the Indians and anyone who supported them, and Martin's opposition
to the creation of Franklin and his upholding of the Indians' rights
guaranteed that he would be unpopular among his frontier fellows. Even
more so than Jesse Walton, Martin was tied to interests in eastern North
Carolina, having served in the North Carolina Senate in 1787 and 1789. ^
After 1785, Martin must have experienced a great deal of misery in
his job as Cherokee agent. In 1788, his position as highest-ranking
general in the territory forced him to lead a group of frontiersmen who
distrusted him in an aborted expedition against the Cherokees. This, as
well as other unpleasant tasks, drove him to consider a move to Spanish
territory. In 1789, Martin's career as Indian agent ended, and a pri-
vate citizen again, he decided to join the Tugaloo River settlement
rather than return to his young family in Virginia. 1"
Now 50 years old, Martin established himself in Georgia in his
usual active way. He bought a tract of land next to Jesse Walton's Ford
tract from Bryant Ward's son Samuel, and, according to his son, Joseph,
Jr., he "established a fort and took an active part in suppressing
Indian hostilities in that quarter." The Tugaloo neighbors lived under
exposure to Creek attack:
It was during my fathers [sic] residence in Georgia that
the servant Toby and my brother Brice, who was then a boy,
were guarding the Horses a short way from the fort. Two
indians made an attempt to cut them off from the fort and
capture them. Toby first espied the Indians and shot one
dead: but quickly discovered a large party near them. He
instructed his young master to reserve his fire and by that
precaution, they retreated defensively, until they were
relieved by men from the fort, who had rushed out from the
report of Toby's gun.l?
The maps of the 1792 and 1793 Georgia frontier show "Martin's Station"
in the Middle Fork of the Broad River, about 20 miles from Walton's
Ford [see Map 7]. On the land purchased from Samuel Ward, Martin appar-
ently built a sawmill, a rarity in those days of the frontier. Mar-
tin's sons stayed on the Tugaloo for the time being, but their father
would not yet settle down, and in the early 1790s, he returned to his
family in Virginia. A Madisonian Democrat, Martin served in the Vir-
ginia legislature throughout the 1790s, and in 1803 he retired from pub-
lic service to live as a prosperous landowner. He never lost his rest-
less ways, however, and in 1808 he made a long excursion through the
Cherokee country. This journey "greatly fatigued" him, and he died in
November of that year.
Joseph Martin has not been given the historical attention accorded
other frontier leaders of his stature; nonetheless, an ample record of
his career — mostly from sketches by his sons, William, Brice, and
Joseph, Jr. — has been collected in the Lyman Draper Manuscripts.
These letters are sometimes lengthy documents, "written (in the case of
the Martins) in excellent style. They constitute an interesting history
of most of the events and leaders of the southwestern border .... " zu The
Martins' and other documents in the Draper papers are valuable sources
concerning the frontier era of the neighborhood of Traveler's Rest, but
even so, the Martin letters offer at best only enticing — and sometimes
confusing — glimpses of expeditions and skirmishes, encounters and dis-
putes, involving the settlers on the Tugaloo before 1800.
One of the most valuable letters is that written from William to
his father in Virginia on October 27, 1793, in which he reported some of
the occurrences of the recent days and notified his father of the state
of the trading-post:
I have undertaken the commisaries [sic] business of six
months longer, altogether myself, depending that you will
let my brother Brice come & assist me, for which he shall
have an equal share of the profits, which are considerable.
Contradicting William, Stephen Weeks' 1894 article on Joseph Martin
maintains that Martin's trading post lost heavily, and neither source
indicates where the post was located. -*-
William's letter goes on to relate continuing troubles with the
Indians: "Five horses were stole last Sunday, two from M. Shelton's
plantation & three from Longnose , which is all the mischief done near
here since you left here." The Tugaloo settlers responded with misdi-
rected attacks on the Cherokees, and Martin's letter tells how Tom Kelly,
who lived just above Toccoa Creek, near Elisha Isaac's, and the one-time
site of Old Estatoe, led a raid on a Cherokee town:
The Georgians have made some sham campaigns against the
Cherokees ... Tom Kelly being their pilates [sic] went up
toward Stecoah where they found a very old harelip Indian
woman and a very small boy, the old woman they killed & the
boy brought in, so that was the amount of their prize.... 22
Fifty years later, Lyman Draper asked William Martin to recall what
he could of another "sham campaign" staged by the settlers against the
Cherokees on a town he referred to as Teuchtotee. Draper had found a
1793 Philadelphia newspaper article on the apprehension of one David
McClosky, a Franklin County citizen, for leading an attack by Georgians
on Teuchtotee during a time of peace. Martin could remember that he had
lived on the Tugaloo at the time of McClosky 's attack on "a quiet Chero-
kee village" located in Georgia about 50 or 60 miles from the frontier
in the direction of the Creeks. Early in 1793, McClosky led a large
group in pursuit of a Creek war party, but not knowing whether or not
the Cherokees had any contact with the retreating raiders, McClosky 's
men fell on the village and killed many "because they had red skins. "^
No more details of this incident are given; however, in another letter,
William Martin asserted that no attacks were made on Georgia by the
Cherokees after the Revolution.
As for what sort of smoking ruins the ('recks left behind them at
Walton's Ford in 1789, the record is silent. Because Jesse Walton's
will mentions "household furniture," it seems that the Indians did not
succeed in the total destruction of the Waltons' property. Indeed,
there is no way of knowing exactly where in the Tugaloo area Walton was
shot, so the Creeks may not have had access to Walton's hypothetical
cabin. Brice Martin's memoirs, however, do strongly imply that Walton
did have a cabin at his Tugaloo "settlement." Still, it does not seem
likely that a veteran Indian fighter such as Walton, well aware of the
dangers of the situation, would have invested much time in a house while
the Creek raids continued.
it is clear, however, that some structure was built at the Walton's
Ford tract before many years had passed. Walton's family, now grown up,
stayed in the area, clearing and farming their land, and building small
cabins or houses. Archaeological excavations at Traveler's Rest indi-
cate that a small structure may have occupied the site before the large
house was begun (probably some time between 1815 and 1820) . This cabin
may have been occupied by Jesse's widow, Mary. By 1798, Jesse's four
sons were tax-paying landholders in Franklin County.
Also by 1798, another Joseph Martin had settled in Franklin County,
on the North Fork of the Broad River, but no clear connection has been
established between this Joseph and the General Joseph Martin, contem-
porary of Jesse Walton and Ben Cleveland. Since the general's son,
Joseph, Jr., was only 13 years old in 1798, he was most likely not a
Franklin County landowner. Neither is this mysterious Joseph mentioned
in the memoirs of William Martin. It is not impossible that the second
Joseph Martin was a "natural" son of the general, or more likely, a
nephew, as the general's brother, Brice, had a son named Joseph. The
likelihood of this connection is supported by this latter Joseph's mar-
riage to Mary Walton, daughter of Jesse. This Joseph Martin is an
important character in the story of Traveler's Rest. [To avoid confu-
sion, this Joseph will be designated hereafter as the second Joseph
Martin. ] 27
In the first generation of white settlement on the Tugaloo, set-
tlers made much more rapid progress in dividing the land than in prepar-
ing it for cultivation. Visitors found the area still heavily forested
in the late 1830s; nonetheless, before 1800, the forest-landscape was
dotted with clearings, connected by primitive paths and roads. The
governor's 1792 map of the "Defensive Plan" of the Georgia frontier
gives an extremely rough idea of the early Tugaloo neighborhood [see Map
7]. From Franklin County deeds, it is possible to reconstruct a tenta-
tive picture of settlers' arrival and departure from the area — at
least in terms of land transactions. Most of the Waltons' neighbors
held acreage similar to their own — small farms ranging from about 100
to 1,000 or so acres. °
Written in the mid-19th Century, John Logan's His tory of Upper
South Carolina informs readers:
The cane growth of the country soon became the standard
by which the early settlers estimated the value of lands.
If it grew no higher than five feet, or the height of a
man's head, the soil was deemed ordinary; but a growth of
twenty or thirty feet indicated the highest degree of fer-
The most luxuriant cane grew on the "bottom lands" near the rivers and
creeks, so the fines! Land at the Tugaloo crossroads, then, was that
near the river and the creek, making the Walton tracts the most valuable
i . *
and, therefore, subject to the highest tax."'
For 20 years, the Wards were among the Waltons ' closest neighbors,
Bryant Ward (1725-1815) being one of the first settlers near Walton's
Ford. Ward had left the Cherokees at an unknown date and settled with
his white family somewhere on the south fork of Walton's Creek (soon
named Ward's Creek). As William Martin recalled: "When I lived in S.C.
Bryant Ward, then old, sensible, & intelligent, lived my neighbor — was
settled, and had a family.' Yet Brice Martin recalled in 1854 that he
had last seen Bryant Ward in 1807, living at a farm on the Chattahoo-
chee. On Ward's Creek, Ward had a mill, a "station," and a close part-
nership with his son, Samuel, until he died around 1814.
Across the Tugaloo River in South Carolina, Colonel Ben Cleveland
got fatter and fatter. Reported to weigh 300 pounds at the time of the
Battle of King's Mountain, the five-foot-nine gentleman was thought to
weigh well over 400 in his days on the Tugaloo. Born on Bull Run Creek
in Virginia in 17 38, Ben grew up in Orange County, six miles from the
Rapidan River, where as a youth he was much inclined to eating, drink-
ing, gambling, horse-racing, fighting, and "wild frolicking." He had a
. . . fine and handsome appearance . . . one of the most mar-
tial looking men he [the narrator] ever saw; he had a wall-
ing eye as piercing as an Eagles [sic], a voice like thun-
der; and ever was a perfect stranger to fear.
Cleveland must indeed have had a striking appearance, for one of Lyman
Draper's sources claimed that "you could stand behind him and see his
eyes." Ben was always the "ringleader" of a group which included his
brothers -- and often Jesse Walton. All his life, he liked to be sur-
rounded by cronies.
Married to Mary Graves, a woman whose father owned a considerable
amount of property, Ben began to sober up. After his short-lived agri-
cultural cooperative with Joseph Martin, he left Virginia and moved to
the frontier of North Carolina, to settle on Roaring Creek at the foot
of the Blue Ridge. There, he hunted, farmed, and ate. From North Caro-
lina, he and Jesse Walton embarked on their excursion to Kentucky about
During the Revolution, "Old Round-About" served his country with
bravery and enthusiasm, especially when it came to hanging Tories and
seizing their property- It was said of him: "It seems that Col. Cleve-
land was a stern military judge, as well as a patriotic partisan. If he
had influence at a 'drumhead' trial, no rascally tory could escape the
halter." He participated in expeditions against the Indians, but won
everlasting glory as a leader at the Battle of King's Mountain. There,
he made a fiery speech, exhorting his men: "Patriots, yonder is your
enemy, and the enemy of mankind. I will show you today, by my example,
how to fight. 7 can undertake no more; you will expect nothing less."
Leading the charge, Cleveland offered his mighty body as target for the
enemy, who somehow still managed to hit only his horse, thereby saving
it from the agonies of carrying Ben up the very steep hillside.
After the war, Ben lost his North Carolina estate through a bad
title and decided to move to the newly-opened lands on the Tugaloo
River. It seems probable that Cleveland was a leading motivator in the
migration of so many of his compatriots to the area, and the old colonel
continued to be a leader in his new neighborhood. He served in the
Georgia Legislature until the Beaufort Convention pJaced his plantation
in South Carolina, and for many years he sagged the hench as a judge.
In the frontier days of the Tugaloo, Ben fought the Creeks, and
also led the capture of Tory river-pirate Henry Dinkins. This rogue had
earned pariah status during the Revolution by his "murders and robber-
ies;" afterwards, he hid out with the Creeks in their towns on the Chat-
tahoochee. One night, one of Cleveland's slaves "observed" three
mounted men, including two blacks, near the plantation on the road which
ran to Indian country. Alarmed by their "suspicious apperance," the
slave hurried to inform those at Cleveland's house, and Ben's young
"hangers-on" hurriedly formed a posse and set out in pursuit. Somewhat
slower, the 400-pound judge also mounted and, "alone in the dark," began
his own hunt. "Having been so much acquainted with rogues, he readily
conceived the maneuver they might attempt." Ben guessed right, and he
soon ambushed the outlaws on a little-used road, his "stentorian voice"
and huge form frightened Dinkins and his cohorts and paralyzed them
until help arrived. The posse discovered that Dinkins was accompanied
by two runaway slaves, headed for the Creeks' towns when captured. Din-
kins was hanged immediately. D
Eventually, Ben became too large to ride a horse or even wear nor-
mal clothing, "but had a kind of frock to go all over."" A widower,
Old Ben supposedly became indulgent with his slaves, and one account
He had one old woman servant that was a great favorite
and was light-fingered enough to always have a full share
of the best of everything. Col. C. always kept a good sup-
ply of wine, and in order to see his servants lie arranged
Large mirrors so he could see everv movement . He would
allow the servant I o get her wine and then would tell tier
of it. Told her he had an eve in the back ol the head.
Another of Draper's chroniclers reported that in old age the col-
onel's obesity made him an object of curiosity and humor to neighbors.
Once, at his place on the Tugaloo, Cleveland got involved in a strange
conversation with a "half-witted, good natured beggar, Billy Vidkins,"
who was passing in front of the gate:
'Hello Billy, what's the news from h_ll?'
'Oh! nothing at all, almost, hardly,' replied the easy
going Vidkins, as he pushed his coon-skin cap over the
left ear. 'Only 1 heard that the devil & his wife has
had a great quarrel, the other night.'
'And what were they quarrelling about?' queried the
hero of King's Mountain.
'It was about soap grease,' said Billy, 'but the old
woman was put into a fine humor when Satan told his wife
that fat old Cleveland would soon be dead, and then the
fat of the lard would belong to her royal highness.' It
is said that Colonel Cleveland was so much pleased with
Billy that he sent the little old beggar a bag of meal &
a 'middling' of bacon the very next day. 39
Finally, as one admirer put it, the colonel was "smothered" by his fat,
passing on in 1806 or 1807.4°
Clevelands were numerous in the Tugaloo area. Ben's brothers, Lar-
kin nnd John, were early residents of Franklin County. Larkin, a huge
man like his brother and a loyal follower of Ben's, had been crippled in
the Revolution. Executor of Jesse Walton's will, he lived down the Tug-
aloo, near the mouth of Eastanollee Creek until he moved to Tennessee,
where he died in 1817. The Rev. John Cleveland was a Baptist preacher,
and according to the History of the Tugaloo Baptist Association , John
founded the Tugaloo Baptist Church in 1789 with a membership of 108.
Not a hrawler like his brothers, John survived to a ripe old age and
died in 1825. " [n the mid- and late-19th Century, Tugalites Ben Cleve-
land, Jr., William Martin, and William Hackett remembered John Cleveland
as a fiery preacher with a long white mane of hair. He baptised Martin
in the Tugaloo River in July of 1791. -^
Ben Cleveland, Sr., brought two sons to the Tugaloo region: John
and Absolom, who were rather unsavory characters, both unpopular in the
neighborhood. Most of Lyman Draper's sources on the Cleveland family
recount a story of the teenage sons' hanging of a Tory during the Revol-
ution in their eagerness to mimic their father. "Devil John" Cleveland
grew to be a huge and intimidating bully, a "large and dreadful man;"
Absolom became a "lunatic."
In 1790, John bought his father's 770-acre grant at the mouth of
Toccoa Creek on the Tugaloo (site of Tugaloo Town) and made it the cen-
ter of a large plantation. Also known as "Drunken Jack," John was dis-
tinguished by William Martin as "one of the worst men I ever knew."
Some of "Devil John's" escapades are preserved in the Draper Manu-
scripts as stories which give an idea of the wild brutality of life on
the Ceorgia frontier. Obviously, not all the violence which occurred at
the Tugaloo was perpetrated by Indians. William Martin's letter of
October, 1793, relates two of John Cleveland's exploits:
John Cleveland broke upon Craffords Station last Sunday
fWilliam Crawford had a mill near Tom Kelly's and Elijah
Isaac's, a short distance up the river from Toccoa Creek. 1
and drove the whole of the people (except one woman and a
few small children) and made them lie out nearly twenty-
four hours, in which time Crafford went and got an officer
with a party of men but he barred himself [illegible] which time
they have made up. he, John moves this day with his family to
Petersburger [Petersburg] in the fork, we hope lie will never
return again, since you left here, he went to David Sloands
[Sloan had grants scattered all over the creeks of Franklin
County]; and attempted to take of [off] that girl, Sloand inter-
posed and John beat him largely, however, Sloand availed himself
of a pan handle which stood in the corner, with which he made
his way good & drove off the enemy. [The remainder of the let-
ter goes on to say that the "old col," Ben Cleveland, had nar-
rowly lost his election. William Martin campaigned for him, but
he says he wishes he had begun his efforts earlier. ]45
In the 1840s, Martin proudly related another anecdote concerning
I once took his wife from him & kept her at my house a
day and night on account of his abusing her. He came after
in a great rage and disgorged his fury to no purpose.
After a while, moderated — became calm, threatened to
indict me and went off — Next day he returned with appar-
ent humility — confessed his faults commended me for what
I had done, and finally prevailed with his wife to return
home with him.^o
Unfortunately, however, Katherine Cleveland was not finished with
husbandly maulings. William Hackett, son of Devereaux Jarrett's busi-
ness partner, wrote to Lvman Draper how John's wife:
... became religiously inclined and proposed to join the
Baptist church to which he sternly objected, and forbade
her to do so; however, she joined, and when she came home,
John said to Caty I suppose you have been Baptised. She
said yes, 'Well,' said John 'by G you shall have enough
of it' he then carried her to the river a short distance
and emersed [sic] her ninety-nine times more.
Eventually, Mrs. Cleveland left her husband and went to live in
South Carolina with her daughters by a previous attachment. John's
rowdy ways caught up with him around 1803, however, when he was killed
in a drunken brawl with a man named Bond [perhaps his father's cohort,
Jesse Bond, who William Martin called "rather a worthless man"]. Hack-
ett reported that "Devil John" perished when "he fell upon a stump and
broke his back of which he died."
While John Cleveland was "smart and bad,"^ Absolom Cleveland's
problem was apparently a lack of sense. William Martin recalled Absolom
as slow-witted and "quite deranged." In 1786, he settled on river land
granted to Ambrose Downs, between Walton's and Rocky [Thrasher's] creeks.
In later years, William Hackett had vivid recollections of Absolom. He
With Absolom I was well acquainted he was quite eccen-
tric and cynical one of his peculiarities he drank no water
for over twenty years. he died at my father's house called
for water about an hour before he died and drank of it
After his wife's death (about which it was said there was
suspicious circumstances) he totally ignored his family —
denied that they were his — refused to speak to them and to
almost everybody of his acquaintance, except my Father &
family, spent a good deal of his time at my Father's house
always carried an old smooth barrelled gun with which he
passed a good deal of his time in the woods would shoot
nothing but squirrels.
Young William Hackett frequently accompanied Absolom on these "rambles"
in the Tugaloo forest.
In October of 1817, Absolom's sons-in-law appeared in the Franklin
County Superior Court and swore, "They believe Absolom Cleveland ... to
be somewhat deprived of his reason and incapable of handling his own
affairs." A number of neighbors, including the second Joseph Martin and
Devereaux Jarrett, testified concerning Absolom's condition. He was
adjudged insane, "but how or by what means he became a lunatic the jur-
ors know not unless by the visitation of God." Cleveland was put in the
care of son-in-law Thomas Haroin, who was bonded for handling Absolom's
substantial property holdings. Hackett recalled that the sons-in-law
soon squandered the estate. Absolom died in the early 1830's.
One other Cleveland — Ben, Jr. — became a close neighbor of the
second Joseph Martin, James R. Wyly, and Devereaux Jarrett. A son of
"Devil John," Ben was reared by his hefty grandfather and became a per-
son of accomplishments. A successful local politician who served along
wi tli .lames Blair as state senator from Habersham County, Ben, Jr.,
fought with distinction in the battles against the Creeks and in the War
of 1812. Among the Draper Manuscripts are two letters from a cousin of
Ben's, George Cleveland, a very old man who could recall but little of
his youth. He did remember, however, that General Ben "took an active
part in the War of 1812 & 1814 — So did I: he came out a colonel, & I
came out a cripple."
The Wards, Clevelands, Martins, Waltons, and their other neighbors
must have found life on the Tugaloo frontier much as it had been in
Tennessee and North Carolina. At first, the settlers had to live with
the unrelenting tension of Indian warfare, and in the first few years,
they clustered around such places as Ward's Station, blockhouses indi-
cated on the frontier map. Their initial dwellings were single-room
cabins, replaced as soon as possible by double-room log houses, often
incorporating a breezeway between and a loft above. While glass windows
were extremely rare, wooden floors were common, and only the poorest
settlers lived on clay or packed-earth floors.
As future Governor George Gilmer would one day recall, cabin rais-
ings were the occasion of local social gatherings. The sober Moravians
scolded about a typical incident, when "Wagner was very busy with his new
house, and about twenty people were helping him, but things never go well
at such a gathering, for more time [is] spent in drinking brandy than in
working." Contrarily, the builders of the fort at Ninety-Six reported
rum to be "absolutely necessary" in their work, to "encourage" them.
According to Samuel C. Williams, Tennessee lacked sawmills in the
"early days," and Franklin County may have, as well. Franklin County
Deeds , however, contains a clue that indicates Joseph Martin, Sr., had a
sawmill on Ward's Creek. Without a sawmill, lumber was difficult to
obtain, as two men with a whipsaw could only cut rough lumber at a rate
of 100 feet per day. Builders depended on wood and rocks for construc-
tion materials in the frontier days; bricks were not used at that time.
The settlers cleared land by girdling trees, or cutting them down
to rot or be burned. Usually a farmer would clear a few acres and use
the wood for his cabin, outbuildings, and fences. According to Robert
Meriweather ' s The Expansion of South Carolina : "The cleared field usu-
ally began at the edge of the narrow swamp which bordered the creek. JJ
Corn was the back-country's primary crop, but it was not profitable
unless the farmer had an opportunity to sell to incoming settlers. To
plant corn or most other crops, the farmers relied heavily on their
hoes, for "only the well to do had plows." A plow was not particularly
useful in newly-cleared ground, which often rendered cultivation "shal-
low and inefficient." Largely because of the fertility of the soil,
back-country farmers grew 20 to 30 bushels of corn per acre, and
between the rows of corn, they planted peas, beans, and pumpkins. Along
with sweet potatoes and turnips, these augmented the farmer's diet.
Orchards of peach, pear, and apple trees were rare enough in the back-
country to be "objects of extreme pride." While wheat became a popular
crop, rye, barley, and oats were not prevalent. 5"
The region produced little beef or pork for export in the early
years of settlement, yet a few farmers obtained enough extra stock to
enhance their incomes. The scarcity of milk cows made butter a valuable
commodity, but almost all owned at least one horse. Oxen wore rare,
while pou 1 t ry was common.
The earliest settlers killed off such game as buffalo, beaver, and
bear, "but the deer survived in spite of the annual slaughter." Shad,
perch, catfish and trout swam the streams. Only by producing a surplus
could a farmer get cash for salt, ammunition, blankets, tools, and
household products such as those sold later in the few country stores
(which often grew out of skin-trading and tanning operations). Early
settlers had sparse furniture: a few chairs, and bedsteads with straw
mattresses for the poorest, while the well-off families such as the
Waltons owned featherbeds, pillows, bolsters, sheets, mirrors, and
dressers . -*"
Cooking was done in a pot by the open fire, and food was eaten from
wooden and pewter dishes. Charles Woodmason, an Anglican minister who
traveled the back-country through much of the 1760s, commented on the
poor settlers' often meagre diet:
Where I am, is neither Beef or Mutton, nor Beer, Cyder,
or anything better than Water — These People eat twice a
day.... Their Bread of Indian Corn, Pork in Winter and
Bacon in sum 1 ". If any Beef, they jerk it and dry it in
the Sun — So that you may as well eat a Deal Board. 59
Settlers drank water, tea, and coffee. Rum, a popular drink in colonial
days, was gradually replaced by whiskey and brandy.
The neighborhood streams were soon dotted with gristmills. Accord-
ing to one source, Jesse Walton had such a mill, yet evidence of its
existence is lacking. Deeds of Franklin County provides clues to numer-
ous others, such as Elijah Isaac's, which was located on a small creek up
the Tugaloo River, near the site of Old Estatoe. James Blair soon had a
mill on Toccoa Creek, as did Ward on Ward's Creek, and other mills were
built on Rocky and Eastanollee creeks . u
Before 1800, most Franklin County citizens practiced handicrafts to
satisfy their clothing needs, and on a day-to-day basis, the Waltons of
both sexes probably wore the same sort of linsey-woolsev garments they
had worn in Tennessee. Williams commented:
Linen made from home-grown flax furnished the chain and
wool supplied the filling or woof. A rough jeans was the
cloth out of which the stouter garments of the men were
made. Home tanning and cobbling customarily supplied the
shoes or shoe-packs fashioned somewhat after the moccasins
of the Indians. 61
Throughout the frontier, health was a constant preoccupation. Com-
mon diseases were rheumatism, agues, and fevers, and smallpox was the
"dreaded scourge." Logan's History proudly boasted, however, that in
the back-country "even the old-fashioned chill and fever were almost
unknown...." The cabins were "far too recent to generate the miasm of
the loathsome typhus," he said. Yet f rontierspeople did occasionally
suffer from plagues. Saunder's Early Settlers of Alabama mentions that
Walton Martin, son of Mary Walton Martin and the second Joseph Martin,
perished in "the epidemic of 1824."
Scarlet fever was also a threat to frontier settlers, and among the
Jarrett papers, this medical advice on the disease provides a view of
how the Jarretts handled it:
In the mild cases of scarlet fever, little more is
required than an occasional dose of salts, with mild cool-
ing beverages, such as lemonade, or cream of tartar water
When the throat becomes infected, in addition to gentle
cathartics, strong red pepper tea with salt and vinegar
should be given every hour in doses of a tablespoonf ul to
children of six or seven years of age; & doses proper
I ioned to other ages - also gargles of strong vi'il oak
bark ten with alum, vinegar, mvrrli, & honey should be
used often; also a gargle of a strong decoction of Indigo
— If the throat is much inflamed internally, or
swelled externally, the early application of a blister to
the throat is often of the utmost consequence — At the
onset if the disease appears violent, an emetic will fre-
quently mitigate the symptoms, & render its course mild;
but in any of the advanced stages must not be prescribed,
but by a physician. -
In those cases where the eruption is partial in its
appearance, or of a pale copper hue, especially about the
elbows, accompanied with cool or cold feet and hands, pale
face, & symptoms of prostration apply sinaprisms & the
warm bath with salt thrown into it — gently stimulate and
get medical advice as soon as possible —
Salts and snake root is a good form of using salts —
Feb 8th, 1836
To [illegible] gills of strong red pepper tea add nearly
half a pint of sharp vinegar, & two teaspoonsful of common
No literacy figures have been found concerning early Franklin
County settlers, but considering the difficulty of obtaining schooling,
it is probable that illiteracy was rather high. Meriweather ' s study put
illiteracy as low as 10 to 20 percent, though certainly few of the Tuga-
loo neighbors were as literate as the Martins, and deeds of the period
indicate that many persons signed with marks, including Bryant Ward and
Mary Walton, widow of Jesse. The county histories offer no clues as to
early education at the Tugaloo , and there probably was none beyond that
available in the home.
When William Martin left the Tugaloo, he settled in Tennessee, near
the site where the great frontier revivals originated. He recollected
the advent of the early 1800s religious revival in Tennessee as:
The most extraordinary in many aspects that has been
witnessed in modern times.... It commenced with the Pres-
byterians in Logan County, Kentucky, say 50 miles from
here & spread to a great extent in every direction.
The revivals were circulated by means of enthusiastic camp meet-
ings, at which Martin witnessed "exercises," including "jerks, dancing,
running, jumping, wrestling, laughing, &c," and he rightly labeled the
Great Revival a crucial event in frontier history. Surely it found a
fruitful harvest on the Tugaloo.
The Great Revival reached Georgia in 1800, in all its enthusiastic
manifestations. Some feared that the evangelists were confusing the
"manifestations" with religious faith, but those who objected to bark-
ing, "jerking," and dancing as Christian exercises were not heeded by
most frontier people. Through the frontier, it was said that "the peo-
ple fell before the word like corn before a storm of wind; and many rose
from the dust with Divine glory shining in their countenances. -*
Georgia Methodists, Baptists and Presbyterians turned out in great
numbers to be harangued by fiery Lorenzo Dow or the somewhat more decor-
ous Francis Asbury, both of whom visited the Tugaloc area during Dever-
eaux Jarrett's teens and may well have influenced him toward the stead-
fast Methodism he later evinced. It seems likely that Jarrett heard
Asbury preach when he came to Abbeville, S.C., in December of 1800.
Asbury visited the site of Petersburg, Ga., as early as 1788 and made sev-
eral trips to the Pendleton-Franklin area ca. 1800, although he had lit-
tle to say about his impressions. Staying in Pendleton in October, 1801,
he wrote: "Can't record great things upon religion in this quarter."
But in November of 1807, he reported hearing of a camp meeting in Frank-
lin County at which 100 souls were saved. An enthusiastic preacher,
Lorenzo Dow passed through Abbeville in early 1803, but he had no com-
ment concerning the experience.""
Visitors and historians do not paint an attractive picture of the
average frontier settler. Le Clerc Milfort, a French adventurer who
lived and fought with the Creeks in the 1780s, occasionally visited the
Tugaloo region. Milfort commented with disgusted amazement on the
vicious habits of those he labeled "Toogaloo Gaugers," ascribing the
nickname to the Georgians' practice of gouging out each others' eyes in
their frequent brawls, and he crudely joked that one-eyed men predomin-
ated on the Tugaloo. 67 Historian Dale Van Every eloquently described
As a person he was rude, uncouth, violent, greedy, cyn-
ical and brutal. He was a poor workman, a bad farmer, and
a disorderly citizen. His favorite diversions were drink-
ing and physical competition. "8
Tn 1800, the Franklin County Grand Jury took a dim view of the
county's morals, "lament [ing] the drinking, rioting, swearing, fighting
and eye gouging, the inattention of the inhabitants to divine worship
... and 'even horse swopping [sic] on the Sabbath Day.'" George Gil-
mer's assessment of the north Georgia settlers was characterized by fil-
ial piety, yet he wrote that "most of them would cheat for six and a
quarter cents, and sue each other for a quarter of a dollar."""
The settlers intimately connected with Traveler's Rest — the Wal-
tons, Martins, Wylys, and Jarretts -- did not fit this general frontier
mold, but they do, however, appear as ambitious, grasping, and persis-
tent individuals. These families were part of a tide of settlement
unhalted by extreme natural and contrived obstacles for over 100 years,
and the Waltons and Martins were carried on by this tide to new lands in
During the 1790s, Jesse Walton's children developed prosperous,
middle-sized farms scattered on the Tugaloo. Robert Walton seems to
have lived on a Larkin Cleveland grant near the mouth of Eastanollee
Creek, while Killis, William Walker, and George Walton probably lived
near Walton's Ford, where they all obtained small grants. Jesse's
daughter, Mary, married the second Joseph Martin about 1803, the year in
which Martin moved from the North Fork of the Broad River. Slim evi-
dence suggests that they settled at the original Walton's Ford tract,
for Martin lived on a Jesse Walton grant adjacent to the plantation of
"Devil John" Cleveland, and Franklin County Deeds indicates that Killis
was their closest neighbor. Rachel Walton married William Hunter [or
Gunter], another local farmer. William Walker, Robert, Killis Walton,
and the second Joseph Martin were all justices of the peace at one time
or another. '0
The only pre-1800 tax record for Franklin County is the Tax Digest
of 1798 , which contains a small amount of useful information on the Tug-
aloo people. In that year, six Waltons [the same mentioned in Jesse's
will] owned 32 slaves and a couple of thousand acres of land. Several
Waltons owned houses — William Walker owned two. All these were valued
at under $100, except one of Walker's, which had three outbuildings and
was valued at $150. Joseph Martin's house was worth $80, and he was
listed as owning six slaves, as well. Few houses in the area were
valued at higher than $100, but Larkin Cleveland's $350 dwelling was the
most expensive. James Wyly, father of James R. Wyly, lived somewhere in
the county in a fine $150 house.
Mary Walton, Jesse's widow, lived at the Tugaloo until her death in
1800, her will being as follows:
In the name of Cod Amen. I Mary Walton of the State of
Georgia & the County of Franklin being sick & weak of body,
but of sound mind & of perfect memory, thanks be to god for
the same, & calling to mind the frailty & uncertainty of
human life, have made, ordained, constituted & appointed &
by these prescence [sic] do make, ordain, constitute &
appoint this to be my last will & testament, hereby revok-
ing all other will or wills by me heretofore made, declar-
ing this only to be my last will and testament, in manner &
form following (viz)
First - 1 give & bequeath my soul to Cog [God] my great
Creator, hoping through the mediation of Jesus Christ to
receive Remission of my sins, my body I leave to be
decently buried at the discretion of my children, And as
to what wordly things it hath pleased God to bestow on me,
1 give & bequeath in the following manner (viz) I give &
bequeath to my Daughter Mary Carter my negro woman named
Sal. T give & bequeath to my son William Walker Walton's
son Jesse, a negro girl named Rhoda - I give & bequeath to
my son Killis Walton all my part of this prescent [sic]
crop, also my part of a legecy [sic] left to us by Henry
Mullens of Virginia Dead - to pay off certain debts, and
if there should be any left after the debts are dis-
charged to be divided as other of my property, also to
have a fifth part of the following property, A negro man
named Roger - a negro man named Steph. Jones - a negro boy
named New Year, also a fifth part of my part of the
land I now live on, also a fifth part of a mare and two
colts, also a third part of all my cattle including what
my son George has had, also half of my household furni-
ture, I give and bequeath to my son William Walker, a
fifth part of the above mentioned [illegible] Lands &
Houses, also I give & bequeath to my son George a fifth
part of the above mentioned negroes, Lands & Houses, also
a third part of all my cattle, also - I give & bequeath
to my Daughter Rachel a fifth part of all my estate, also
half of all my household furniture - I do hereby acknow-
ledge this to be my last will & testament, hereby revok-
ing and disannulling [sic] all other wills by me hereto-
fore made, & hereby declaring this to be my last will &
> Testament, in witness whereof I have hereunto set my
hand, & affixed my seal this eighth day of November in
the year of our Lord one thousand and Eight hundred -
and of the independence of the United States of
America the twenty fifth - signed sealed and acknow-
ledged in presence of us
David [illegible] her
Jesse Bond Mary x Walton (seal)'-
Milbry Spark mark
The Honorable Court of Ordinary for the County of Franklin
has met according to adjournment on the 6th day of October
Present Jas. H. Little Esqrs
The honorable the Court of Ordinary for the County of Frank-
lin has adjourned until the second Wednesday of November
next Jas. H. Little
Chapter 4: The Tugaloo Neighborhood : 1790-1820
William Allen Pusey, "General Joseph Martin, An Unsung Hero of the
Virginia Revolution," The Filson Club H istorical Quarterly , Vol. X,
April, 1936, p. 58.
Judith Hill, A History of Henry County , Virginia (Baltimore: Regional
Publishing Company, 1976 ), p. 91.
J.D. Bailey, Commanders at King's Mountain (Gaffney, S.C.: Edward H.
Decamp, 1926), p. 118.
Pusey, "Genera] Joseph Martin," pp. 59-64.
" Ibid . , pp. 65, 67, 68. Martin's Station was an essential part of the
Transylvania Company's plans for settling Kentucky. When Daniel
Boone's expedition went west in 1775, the people "counted on" rest
and provisions at Martin's Station and got them. The station contin-
ued to be a crucial outpost on the Wilderness Road.
Ibid. , p. 69.
Stephen B. Weeks, "General Joseph Martin and the War of the Revolu-
tion in the West," Annual Report of the American Historical Associa -
tion, 1893, Vol. IV, p. 423; Draper Manuscripts, 3XX4.
9 Woodward, The Cherokees , p. 96; Brown, Old Frontiers , pp. 148-49;
Mooney, Myths of the Cherokees , p. 204; Draper Manuscripts, 3XX4 ; Ben
Harris McClary, "Nancy Ward," pp. 352-64.
Brown, Old Frontiers, pp. 69, 244, 245
Stanlev J. Folmsbee, Robert F. Corlew, and Enoch L. Mitchell, History
of Ten nessee (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc.,
1960), Vol. I, p. 123. Early in the Revolution, officers such as
John Stuart tried to persuade the Cherokees not to attack the set-
tlers. The militant faction led by Dragging Canoe, however, was
determined to drive the settlers back from Cherokee territory; hence
Cherokee raids of 1776.
Pusey, "General Joseph Martin," pp. 70-74; Williams, "Elijah Clarke
in the Tennessee Country," p. 155.
li Pusey, "General Joseph Martin," p. 76.
Weeks, "General Joseph Martin," p. 477.
*■■* Pusey, "General Joseph Martin." pp. 7 7-78; Williams., Lost State of
Franklin, pp. 53, 59, 50, 190, 210, 211, 220, 245; Brown, ' Old Fron-
tiers, pp. 197, 244, 245, 275, 278.
Pusey, "General Joseph Martin," pp. 78-79; Van Every, Ark of Empire ,
*-' Draper Manuscripts, 3XX13.
1° Deeds of Franklin County , Georgia , 1784-1826 , compiled by Martha Wal-
tus Acker (Easley, S.C.: Southern Historical Press, 1976), p. 136;
Williams, Lost State of Franklin , pp. 248-49.
-^ Weeks, "General Joseph Martin," p. 477; Pusey, "General Joseph Mar-
tin," p. 80.
20 Pusey, "General Joseph Martin," p. 60.
21 Draper Manuscripts, 2XX40; Weeks, "General Joseph Martin," p. 469.
22 Draper Manuscripts, 2XX40 .
23 Ibid. , 14DD55.
24 Ibid . , 14DD113.
25 Ibid. , 14DD16.
William Kelso, Excavations at Traveler's Rest, Toccoa, Georgia,
1968" (Savannah: 1969), Georgia Historic Preservation Section files.
Franklin County Tax Digest , 1798; John Redd, "Reminiscences of West-
tern Virginia, 1770-1790," The Virginia Magazine of History and Bio-
graphy , 1899-1900 , Vol. VII, pp. 1-16.
Franklin County Tax Digest , 1798; see Franklin Countv deed books at
the Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta.
*- v John H. Logan, A History of the Upper Country of South Caro l ina
(Charleston: S.G. Courtenay & Co., 1859) , "ppT 10-11; Coulter, Old
Petersburg , p. 50.
McClary's article, "Nancy Ward, the Last Beloved Woman of the Chero-
kees," maintains that Brian Ward left Nancy and settled in Pendleton,
S.C., about 1760. This is possible, though much of this area was
occupied by Cherokees up to 1776. The Tugaloo crossroads region was
not officially settled until 1784, when Brian Ward was one of the
first to have land surveyed. His land and fort were on the Georgia
side of the Tugaloo River. See Brian Ward in The Deeds of Franklin
Count v .
In 1813, Brian Ward turned his property over to Sam Ward in return
for care for the rest of his life. See Franklin County Deeds , p. 315,
A son of Brian's, John Ward, also married into the Cherokee tribe.
Tn 1817, John Ward, "of the Cherokee Nation," and Ann Ward, gave
Da -/id Humphreys power-of-attornev to try to break the will of Brian.
"The legatees are not satisfied with the will and seek a more equal
distribution." See Franklin County Deeds , pp. 362, 357.
32 Draper Manuscripts, 5DD13 and 5DD41.
33 Ibid ., 5DD13, 5DD108.
34 Ibid . , 5DD96; Bailey, Commanders at King ' s Mountain , p. 130.
Draper Manuscripts, 5DD115.
36 Ibid . , 5DD115.
]7 [bid .
J8 I hid., 5DD7.
J9 Ibid. , 5DD96.
Ibid . , 5DD13; Bailey, Co mmanders at King's Mountain , pp. 114, 118,
199, 120-06, 163, 168-70.
41 Draper Manuscripts, 5DD108, 5DD13.
42 S.F. Goode, History of Tugaloo Baptist Association (Toccoa, Ga.: Toc-
coa Record, 1924), pp. 118, 180.
^ 3 Draper Manuscripts, 5DD115.
45 Ibid . , 2XX40.
A6 Ibid . , 3XX18.
47 Ibid . , 3XX18, 5DD62.
48 Ibid. , 5DD115, 5DD62.
49 Ibid., 5DD115.
50 Ibid. , 5DD62.
Franklin County Deeds, pp. 367-68; Draper Manuscripts, 5DD62.
Draper Manuscripts, 5DD66; Trogden, History of Stephens County , p.
53 Robert Meriwether, The Expansion of South Carolina (Kingsport, Tenn:
Southern Publishers, 1940), pp. 65, 176.
54 Franklin County Deeds , p. 336; Williams, Lost State of Franklin, pp.
55 Meriwether, Expansion of South Carolina , pp. 165-66.
56 Ibid. , p. 167.
57 Ibid . , p. 168.
58 ibid. , p. 169.
59 Ibid- , p. 175.
60 Franklin County Deeds, p. 49; see also James Blair and Bryant Ward.
61 Williams, Lost State of Franklin , pp. 248-51.
ibid . , pp. 248-51; Logan, History of Upper Soutb Carolina, p. 11.
Yet f rontierspeople did occasionally suffer from plagues. James
Saunders, Early Settlers of Alabama (New Orleans: L. Graham & Sons,
Ltd., 1899), pp. 49-50, tells that Walton Martin, son of Mary Walton
Martin and the second Joseph Martin, perished "in the epidemic of
63 Georgia Historic Preservation Section files, Jarrett Family Papers.
64 Draper Manuscripts, 3XX18.
65 Edmund J. Hammond, The Methodist Episcopal Churc h in Georgi a (loca-
tion and publisher unknown, published 1935), p. 32; Dick, The Dixie
Frontier , p. 196.
66 Francis Asbury , The Journal of Rev. F ranci s Asbury (New York: N. Bang
and T. Mason, 1821), Vol. Ill, p. 236; Lorenzo Dow, History of_ Cosmo-
polite (Cincinnati: Anderson, Gates & Wright, 1858), pp. 159-60.
6 7 Louis Le Clerc Milfort, Me moirs , or, a Quick G lance at My Various
Travels and My Sojourn in the Creek Nation (Savannah: Beehive Press
reprint, 1969), pp. 22-24, 67-68.
68 Van Every, Ark of Empire , p. 35.
69 Ralph B. Flanders, Plantation Slavery in Georgia (Chapel Hill, N.C.:
University of North Carolina Press, 1933), p. 129. George Gilmer,
quoted in Coulter's Old Petersbur g, p. 9.
70 Frank lin County Deeds , pp. 180, 279, 115, 132.
71 Franklin County Tax Digest , 1798.
12 Mary Walton's will, Franklin County Wills, 1800.
THE EARLY DAYS OF TRAVELER'S REST
True to their heritage, the Waltons began to vacate the Tugaloo for
less expensive lands to the west soon after 1800. William Hunter sold
his property in 1804, and William Walker Walton began to sell his lands
in 1807. In 1810 William sold his tracts near Walton's Ford on the Tug-
aloo to John Hooper and moved to Giles County, Tennessee. Robert Walton
deeded his lands to Kenneth Finley, James Smith, and Thomas P. Carnes
and moved to Madison County, Mississippi, in 1811. On February 5, 1813,
George Walton sold his small grant to Killis, his brother-in-law, and
the second Joseph Martin and headed for Lincoln County, Tennessee. Sev-
. til months later, in October, William Walker, Robert, George, and Kil-
lis -- "legal heirs of Jesse Walton" -- relinquished all their claims to
the- Walton estate to the second Joseph Martin.
In the early 1800s, the years in which James Rutherford Wyly and
Devereaux Jarrett first appeared in Franklin County records, the Tugaloo
crossroads was still a frontier outpost. The immediate danger of Indian
raids was gone, but otherwise, the quality of life had not changed dras-
tically. As saw mills began to provide lumber, it became possible for
the farmers to leave behind their cabins and build more refined, frame
houses. In Old Petersburg , E. Merton Coulter cites George Gilmer to
assert that such residential moves were the occasion for "frolics" that
would last "far into the night."
The half-dozen slaves owned by each of the families of Jesse
- 87 -
Walton's children was close to the average number held by slave-owners
in northeastern Georgia in the frontier days. The 1790 United States
Census reveals that Franklin County had comparatively few slaves, total-
ing 156. Jesse's 22 slaves had made him among the most prosperous
planters in the county. In 1798, Larkin Cleveland and Thomas P. Carnes
were the only slave-owners with more than 20 blacks, having 27 and 23,
respectively. John Cleveland owned 16; Absolom, 18; Sam Ward, 13; James
Blair, six; and James Wyly, six. Devereaux Jarrett was a relatively
well-fixed slave-owner at an early age, owning 17 human beings in 1807.
It is not known how the slaves were used, but perhaps he hired them out
in Franklin County in the years before he began to buy land.
Most of the slaves of this frontier period led lives of anonymity.
Some had memorable names, such as Walton's New Year and "Devil John's"
Venus, but no details of their lives have survived. An outstanding
exception to this unfortunate pattern was Toby, the intrepid companion
of General Joseph Martin, who saved Martin's son, Brice, from the Indi-
ans at Tugaloo in the 1790s. ^ A young mulatto of 25 years, Toby was
acquired by Martin in 1783 and became the Indian agent's "bodv and con-
fidential servant." For years, the men were constant companions. Wil-
liam Martin described Toby a? being of small stature, but with "great
physical powers, as well as mental ... few men have as fine sense."
Toby was freed at Martin's death, became a Baptist preacher, and subse-
quently accumulated a "good estate."
With or without slaves, settlers grew tobacco, corn, wheat, pota-
toes, garden and orchard products, but they did not try to grow cotton
to the extent that Georgians further south did. Hogs, cattle, horses,
mules, and turkeys were raised. Those Farmers with products to sell
couid taken them down the "Red Hollow Road" to Augusta, from whence they
were sent on by barge. According to Coulter, this was a "tobacco road
... a peculiar kind of highway" constructed for rolling huge "hogs-
heads" of tobacco to the market at Augusta. Such roads followed the
ridges to avoid "watercourses." 6 After 1805, farmers could barter goods
at Devereaux Jarrett's store.
Exotic entertainment was scarce in the Tugaloo region in the early
1800s. Consequently, it seems quite likely that some members of the
Walton, Martin, Wyly, and/or Jarrett families must have found time to go
to the Pendleton Courthouse in South Carolina in 1810, when an elephant
was displayed there for the curious. The advertisement in Miller' s
Weekly Messenger of Pendleton read:
A LIVING ELEPHANT
To be seen at Pendleton Court House on Saturday and Monday,
the 4th and 6th of August.
The elephant being not only the largest and most saga-
cious animal in the world, but the peculiar manner in
which it takes its drink and food of every kind with its
trunk, is acknowledged to be the greatest natural wonder
ever offered to the public. She will draw the cork from
a bottle, to the astonishment of the spectators. It will
lie down and rise at command. She is nine years old, and
measures upward of fifteen feet from the end of her trunk
to that of her tail. - ten feet round the body, and
upwards of seven feet high.
Perhaps the present generation may never have the oppor-
tunity of seeing an Elephant again, as it is the only one
in the United States, and perhaps the last visit to this
Admittance for grown persons - Half a Dollar, children,
During the remainder of the early 1800s, no spectacle to match the
"sagacious" elephant was advertised in the Messenger . [See footnote 7.]
Cleveland's Ferry was the first transportation the people had for
crossing the Tugaloo, it being on the road from Pendleton to Carnesville,
and somewhat down the river from where Jarrett would build his bridge.
One of the first wagon roads used by settlers from the north, it was
probably a miserable highway, as were most Georgia roads in the early
days. In frontier days, Georgia lacked a state system for building and
maintaining roadways. After 1792, all male laborers were required to
work on road repairs 12 days a year. Signs were to be posted at cross-
roads, but the roads remained "almost in a state of nature."
Settlers in north Georgia and east Tennessee were well aware of the
need for improved transportation between those areas. In 1796, John
Sevier wrote a letter from Knoxville to the Tennessee General Assembly
and urged "the making [of] a waggon [sic] road over what is commonly
called the western mountains." Sevier added, "I need not point out to
you Gentlemen the general utility and advantages that would be derived
... in consequence of such a road." Despite Sevier's promptings and the
obvious need for the road, however, the unsettled state of the Georgia-
Tennessee frontier deterred action for some years.
In the early 19th Century, the project was taken up again, this
time by an enterprising group of men who formed the Unicoi Turnpike Com-
pany. The company succeeded in getting the Georgia Senate to request
the federal government to allow company representatives to treat with
the Cherokees for permission to open a road from the Tugaloo through the
tribe's territory to the settlements in east fennessee.
The Unicoi Company soon advanced their project another step by
negotiating a treaty with the Cherokees. At Hiwassee Garrison, Tennes-
see, on March 8, 1813, five men — Nicholas Byers , David Russell, Arthur
Henly , John Lowry, and "one other person" from Georgia, Russell Goodrich
(who was named later) — were commissioned to head the turnpike company.
They were instructed by the treaty to:
. . . layout and open a road from the most suitable point on
the Tennessee River; to be directed the nearest and best
way to the highest point of navigation on the Tugolo [sic]
River, which said road ... shall continue and remain a free
and public highway ... for 20 years, after which to revert
to the Cherokees.
The Cherokees were to be given $160 a year by the company, which was to
have exclusive privileges of trading on the road for the 20 years. The
... And the company shall have leave, and are hereby author-
ized, to erect their public stands, or houses of entertain-
ment, on said road, that is to say, one at each end ... as
nearly so as a good situation will permit, with leave also
to cultivate one hundred acres of land at each end of the
road . . . with a privilege of a sufficiency of timber for the
use and consumption of said stands.
This treaty was apparently the genesis of Traveler's Rest, which was
built near the southern end of the Unicoi Turnpike.
Tennessee granted the Unicoi Company a 20-year charter in October
of 1815. The tolls were set at 12-l/2c for a man on horseback, 6-1/Ac
for a footman, $1.00 for a wagon team, and $1.25 for a coach or carri-
age. Any traveler who refused to pay the toil could be fined $20.00.
On the other hand, the company was required to keep the road open and
repaii"ed, or it could be fined.
Georgia incorporated the Unicoi Company in December of 1816, author-
izing it to open a road from the head of navigation on the Tugaloo to
east Tennessee. The highway's construction lagged behind schedule, and
Tennessee was forced twice to extend the time allotted for completion,
the final date being November of 1818. The legislature provided that
the road had to be 12 feet wide wherever digging was necessary, and 20
feet wide elsewhere. ■*•
The Unicoi Company apparently contracted James R. Wyly of Tugaloo,
Georgia, to supervise the construction of the highway. No direct evi-
dence of this contract has been discovered, but an 1832 map of District
19, Cherokee County, shows the Unicoi Turnpike labeled as "Wiley's
Road," traversing what is now Towns County. The road took four years
to build, following the ancient Indian trail into the mountains. It
apparently began at Mullin's Ford, the highest point of navigation on
the Tugaloo (according to Sherwood's 1827 Gazetteer of Georgia ). The
road ran from "a short distance below the mouth of Toccoa Creek," passed
north of the present site of Clarkesville , through the Nacoochee Valley
across the Unicoi Gap and Hiwassee in Georgia, to eventually cross the
Little Tennessee at Chota,12 an a; enc j at t j ie Merriville-Madisonville Road
[see Map 8] .
As the turnpike neared completion, James R. Wyly sagaciously bought
Joseph Martin's farm at Walton's Ford. There can be little doubt that
he was acquainted with the frontier tradition of placing inns and tav-
erns at key fords where, during the years of maximum migral ion and set-
tlement, such inns could be extremely profitable. As builder of the
Unicoi road, Wyly was in a good position to determine the location of
the inn which was to stand at its southern end. Inasmuch as the turn-
pike became a "chief route through the Soui h for a long time," Wyly's
place at Walton's Ford was certain to be lucrative. -*
Soon after their road was completed, the men in the Unicoi Company
ran an advertisement in the Knoxville Register of April 6, 1819, inform-
ing the public that a road was now open for saf traveling to Franklin
County, Georgia, "with as much convenience as any other road through the
Cherokee Country." The ad went on to say that the company had
... established a number of houses for the enter ainment
of travellers, (which are and will be kept by whie men
and their families) so as not at any part of the r ~>ad to
have a distance of more than 20 miles without a hou^e of
accommodation of travellers.!^
During the next few years, James R. Wyly was to emerge as a domin-
ating force along the southern part of the turnpike. In 1821, he bought
Lot 74 in the Third District of Habersham County, land a quired from the
Cherokees in 1819 and divided by lottery in 1820. This let was in the
Nacoochee Valley on the upper Chattachoochee , right on the Tnicoi road,
and just under 20 miles from Wyly's new place at Walton's Fo/d [see Map
9]. Within a few years, he utilized this spot with a "house >f enter-
tainment" for travelers. Next, Wyly added a holding at Hiwassee, Geor-
gia, a few miles north of the Blue Ridge and one more day's journey up
the turnpike. During the 1820s, he thus operated three inns along the
Unicoi Turnpike, and he also bought a number of lots in Clarkesville ,
the seat of Habersham County. Wyly was thereby ideally situated to
profit from the traveling propensities of his fellow Americans. ^
Georgians traveled by foot, horse, cart, and buggy in frontier days.
The Unicoi Turnpike, showing Old Cherokee Towns and Early 19th Century
Stages were few, but wagoning was not. John Lambert, an Englishman,
wrote this description of the wagoners and their role:
These wagoners were familiarly called crackers (from the
smacking of their whips, 1 suppose). They are said to be
often very rude and insolent to strangers, and people of
the towns, whom they meet on the road, particularly if they
happen to be genteel persons.... In almost every part of
the United States there seems to be an invincible antipathy
between the towns' people and these wagoners, who take
every opportunity they can to give each other a thrashing.
The wagoner constantly rides on one side of the shaft
horses, and with a long whip guides the leaders. Their
long legs, lank figures, and meagre countenances, have
sometimes a curious appearance when thus mounted; especi-
ally if a string of them happen to pass along the road. °
Water transportation was also a matter of extreme importance to early
19th-century farmers. Enthusiastic Georgians claimed that the Tugaloo
River was navigable as far as Toccoa Creek, but Coulter pointed out
that the river actually contained a number of difficult passages above
Petersburg. Old Petersbur g contains many details on the Georgians'
efforts to improve the river. According to Coulter:
The first move Georgia made to improve the upper Savan-
nah was in 1786, when the legislature passed a bill to pro-
mote navigation on the river from ... just above Augusta to
the mouth of the Tugaloo River and up that river to Tugaloo
Old Town, a point near where Toccoa Creek flowed into the
Tugaloo. In the introductory part of the law it was
recited that 'nothing contributes more to the Advantages of
the Citizens, or to the opulence of the State, than making
easy, and extending the Navigation of Rivers' and that as
'Policy and Justice' dictated that the expense should be
paid by such persons as will immediately be most advantaged
thereby,' a system was, therefore, being enacted to provide
for the expenses.... People owning land along the river
were required to pay five shillings for every hundred acres
of land 'of the first quality' and two and a half shillings
for other lands. [See footnote 17.]
Ben Cleveland, Sr., and Leonard Marbury were among the commissioners
appointed to raise the tax.
Near Augusta, the tax was applied to all farms within five miles of
the river, but upstream, the taxable distance was 15 miles. The law
unwise and unpopular, and the revenues were not raised. A lottery
was attempted to generate funds, but it too failed. Private enterprise
did not get the river cleared, even with state sponsorship. For a time,
• i ( i zens argued over how much to allow fishing operations to obstruct
the river. The Tugaloo was "considered so precarious for navigation
that the old law allowing two-thirds of the stream to be obstructed was
cont i nued . "
Ln 1817, the Georgia Legislature appropriated $20,000 for improving
the Savannah and the Tugaloo all the way up to Panther Creek, but the
amount was contingent upon matching funds from South Carolina. Wyly,
nearly finished with the Unicoi Turnpike, was among the river commis-
sioners. South Carolina failed to act, so in December of 1818, Georgia
repealed the matching-f unds condition. The sum was then raised to
$30,000, $7,000 of which was allotted for the stretch between Anderson-
ville and Panther Creek. Wyly had once again maneuvered himself into
a key position. In charge of the stretch of river between Andersonville
and Panther Creek, he was in a position to greatly increase the value
of his lands at Walton's Ford.
By 1842, the river was cleared for navigation of boats carrying up
to nine tons of cotton all the way to Andersonville, S.C. Steamboats
were only an indirect help to the Tugaloo farmers, for "no steamboat
could ascend the rapids at Augusta." The coming of the railroad tended
to distract Georgians from river-improvement projects, and the Civil War
made them out of the question.
Seasonal floods, called "freshets," were a yearly trial for people
on the Tugaloo and the Savannah. When spring rains joined melted snow
from the mountains, North Georgia streams would swell and wash away
bridges and then merge to flood the rivers. One such flood had wreaked
havoc upon family Bibles and livestock when Elijah Clarke's party ot
settlers crossed the Tugaloo in 1773. John Lambert reported:
Hence, when the accumulated waters of rain & snow pour
down their [the rivers'] channels, the adjacent low lands
and intervals are overflowed with destructive freshes or
inundations. These freshes will sometimes rise to 30 or 40
feet perpendicular, above the usual level of the river. In
1701 a very destructive one occurred in part of the country;
and in 1796 a very similar flood poured down the Savannah
River, laying the town of Augusta upwards of two feet under
water, damaging goods therein to a large amount. It tore
away an extensive bridge, near 800 feet long, belonging to
Mr. Wade Hampton . . . and carried destruction and dismay
before it quit to the town of Savannah.... Several bridges
were carried away, and many of the Negro huts on the
islands and swamp plantations near the coast, were torn up
with the people in them, and carried by the torrent entirely
out to sea .
Perhaps transportation problems became a bit less acute for Tugaloo
residents after Devereaux Jarrett opened his country "commissary." The
earliest account book which has been found dates from 1805, but it refers
to an even older book. The heading on the pages reads "Pendleton, S.C."
The store must have been just across the river, for when it was moved
in 1807, the clientele of the new store remained largely the same. Close
reading of this ledger reveals that young Jarrett may have had partners
or sponsors in this store, namely, his stepfather Charles Kennedy and
his maternal great uncle, Charles Baker. The last references in the book
mention "acct. of whiskey red. of Charles Raker, [same] delivered Charles
Baker," both dated May, 1810. 21
The day-to-day entries for the store indicate an Interesting range
ol products consumed bv the early ■ 1 9(.h-Cent ury farmers. The ledgers
provide an interesting glimpse into the lives of those in the Tugaloo
area by recording the food, kitchen item'-, yardgoods and so on that were
sold at the store. Frequent entries for half-pints and other small quan-
tities of brandy, rum, whiskey, and wine indicate that the store also
served as a tavern. Not surprisingly, the 1805 store sold no soap,
which was usually made at home, but almost amazingly, it sold no tobacco,
Some of the items sold at the Pendleton store were the following:
| cotton hose]
. 25 per wt
"wisted hows" 1.75 pair
Sewing and Yard Goods
creampot .12-12 ea.
cof f epots
knives & forks 1.62-12 set
pewter plates 2.50 for 6
saucers 1.00 set
Miscellaneous items also sold in the store included:
A large number of "cash lent" entries, always for small amounts,
appear in conjunction with "Dev. Jarrett," demonstrating that young Jar-
rett was developing financial acumen. The store's customers included
Ben Cleveland, Elijah Isaacs, Absolom Cleveland, Ceorge Walton, James
Blair, Neely Dobson, and John Elston. They occasionally paid for goods
with cash, but frequently with cotton, as well, and Jarrett also often
accepted deerskins, tallow, whiskey, and, upon occasion, "bareskin"
[sic], "minkskin," tobacco, sugar, beeswax, corn, hogs, wagoning, and
"bawling" [sic] .
The back of the ledger book contains other entries, the earliest
date for these being 1807. Some pages are headed, "Franklin Ct.," the
earliest with such a title appearing in 1809. The Franklin County store
stocked considerably more food than the Pendleton store, and dealt less
liquor. Beef, bacon, pork, corn, potatoes, and wheat appear in the
Franklin entries, although Jarrett still sold no soap and very little
tobacco. Entries for this store continue until 1814, but the whole span
fills far fewer pages than the 1805 entries. At the Franklin County
store, a few of the prices wore as follows:
30 wt. for 3.75
100 wt. for 3.25
1.7 5 ea.
"shewing a horse"
During the years that Jarrett's store was established in Pendleton
District and then moved across the river to Franklin County, the land at
Walton's Ford had not yet been purchased by James R. Wyly. Wyly's first
appearance in Franklin County records was not particularly distinguished
In August of 1802, 400 acres belonging to him on Lightwood Log Creek
were sold at auction to William 0. Whitney. This land was sold "as the
result of James R. Wyly being in arrears on still taxes due to the U.S."
This inauspicious introduction to one of Traveler's Rest's major protag-
onists, however, did not indicate a lasting trend. Regarding Wyly, the
pattern is a frustrating lack of information.
James Wyly, father of James R. Wyly, was a long-time landowner in
Franklin County, appearing as early as 1791. A veteran of the Battle
of King's Mountain, he never permanently resided in Georgia, but lived
at a large farm in the [Loudon County] Tennessee country. In Franklin
County, Georgia, he owned land on Eastanollee Creek and property in
Carnesville, and was a tax collector for many years. James married
Jemima Cleveland, daughter of Colonel Ben, and James Rutherford was
born to them on June 24, 1783. in the part of North Carolina that later
became Loudon County, Tennessee. The Cleveland Genealogy maintains
... grad. Greenville co. coll., Term.; from 1802 occupied a
farm on Tenn. river, at now LandinfLoudon ] , Blount co. Was from
1804 during life, of the co. working out Unicory [sic] turn-
pike from Walton's ford, Tugalo river, to Tellico Plains,
Tenn.; a State Commissioner to improve navigation of Savan-
nah and Tugalo rivers. Served under James and Hezekiah Ter-
rell as Sheriff of Franklin co. Tenn. for 12 years, prompt
and efficient officer. Was capt. in reg. of Major Benjamen
Cleveland ... in Creek Indian war, under Gen. John Floyd.
Fought gallantly at battles of Autossee, Ala., Nove. 29,
1813, Calibbee and Othtawalla war, 1812. Rem. betw. 1818
and 1820 to Habersham co., on Tugalo river, opp . Walton's
ford. Planter; of good judgement; had a fine library, was
well read, and accumulated a handsome property. Parents and
family were Baptists.
In June of 1802, James R. Wyly married Sarah Hawkins Clark, the
daughter of Elizabeth Sevier (who was the daughter of John Sevier) and
William Clark [one of Jesse Walton's neighbors on the Tugaloo was a Wil-
liam Clark], James and Sarah had eight sons and five daughters; accord-
ing to The Cleveland Genealogy , the children were born in Tennessee un
to 1818 and afterwards were born in Habersham Countv, Georgia. To this
sketchy, questionable information, the Sevier Family History adds but
little. It corrects Wyly's sheriffdom, however, to Franklin County,
Georgia, and adds that he was colonel in the Habersham County militia.
It is quite doubtful that Wyly remained in Tennessee until 1818; he
apparently continued his father's practice of maintaining farms in Ten-
nessee and Georgia. In 1806, he bought 350 acres on the north fork of
the Broad River in Franklin County and paid taxes on the land for some
years. In February of 1813, Wyly and his cousin and war buddy Ben Cleve-
land, grandson of old Ben, bought just over 285 acres from the John
Cleveland estate, this land being near the site of Old Tugaloo Town on
Toccoa Creek. Ben had sold it to son "Devil John" in 1790.
Wyly may have have lived on this tract. Soon after January oi
1814, he moved to a tract he bought from John's son, Fauche Cleveland.
i'm $1,800, lie received 4 33 acres on Toccoa Creek, "where |bv August,
1815] Said Wyly now lives, adjacent Jarrat [sic] and land surveyed for
Wyly, known as Owl Swamp." Wyly did not keep this Owl Swamp land for
long, as he sold it in August of 1815 to John Elston of Pendleton, South
Carolina, who had married his wife's sister.
According to the genealogies, Captain James R. Wyly served "heroi-
cally" under his neighbor Ben Cleveland, Jr., in the Creek war of 1813
and 1814. Historical accounts of this Indian war are scarce, but one
which was written by H.S. Halbert and T.H. Ball in 1895 discusses the
adventures of General John Floyd's Georgia volunteers. At Autossee, in
present-day Alabama, on November 29, 1813, Wyly joined 950 Georgians and
400 "friendly" Cherokees in sacking this town on the south bank of the
Tallapoosa. With negligible losses themselves, the Georgians killed 400
"hostiles" and burned Autossee. The troops marched on then, Wyly with
them, and destroyed Tallassee. Later, at Calabee Valley on January 27,
1814, the Georgians were part of 1,700 troops and 400 Cherokees who were
ambushed seven miles from Tuskegee. It was reported that "the savages
suddenly sprang from their lair in the undergrowth of the creek and made
a furious assault about daylight." The volunteers countered with a
charge and drove the Creeks into a swamp. Nonetheless, Floyd was stopped,
his army "cut up," and his campaign "brought to a premature close. "^ '
Meanwhile, the second Joseph Martin had accumulated a prosperous
holding somewhat down the river from Wyly, at Walton's Ford [see Map 10].
As a leader in the Unicoi project, Wyly must have cast admiring eyes at
Martin's position on the Tugaloo crossroads, for in 1818, Martin sold
out to Wyly (1,343-1/2 acres for $4,500) and moved to Alabama. With
these lands added to his other holdings, Wyly was now a substantial
farmer, as well as an enterprising road builder, river commissioner, and
.. v, J »_J... /.*. -
■"•**'» * f
Joseph Martin Survey at Walton's Ford, 1813. *Site of Traveler's Rest,
Disappointingly little is known of James R. Wyly's fellow "man-on-the-
make" at the Tugaloo in those years, Devereaux Jarrett. He was born in
1785 in Georgia or South Carolina, shortly after his father Robert's
death. A great many years later, Jarrett descendants would proudly
recall a family tradition that George Washington had visited Dever-
eaux's home (in Oconee or Abbeville, S.C., or perhaps in Wilkes County,
Georgia), met the youngster and pronounced him "a bright lad who would
one day make his mark."^"
Jarrett was reared and educated in Oconee County, South Carolina,
where his mother, originally Dorothy Mallory, resided with her second
husband , Charles Kennedy. Family traditions concerning Devereaux' s
youtli do not always fit the ascertainable historical facts. For
instance, one tradition lias it that in Franklin County Devereaux first
lived in a cabin on what is now known as the Turnbull place, then moved
down to Traveler's Rest about 1812, enlarging the house that Jesse Wal-
ton built. Considering the evidence in Franklin County deeds, however,
this legend can hardly be true, and it becomes necessary to use all the
family traditions with great care.
There is good evidence that Devereaux was living on the Tugaloo by
1805, although it is not known on which side of the river. The 1805
ledgers do not carrv a heading of "Jarrett's Store," but the customers
are clearly Tugaloo residents, and Devereaux Jarrett had an account of
the store. A reasonable hypothesis is that he arrived in the neighbor-
hood by the time he was about 18 years old, on the Pendleton side of
the river. Having an inheritance of unknown size, apparently invested
in about 17 slaves, he may have owned land in South Carolina, and he
almost certainly became involved in a country store in Pendleton by 1805
(probably in partnership with his great-uncle, Charles Baker, and step-
father Charles Kennedy) . The best evidence is his involvement in so
many of the cash-loaning transactions in the accounts, a pattern contin-
ued in the later books that are known to be Jarrett's. When the store
was moved across the river in 1807, Jarrett may have crossed also, but
he did not yet buy any land in Franklin County. In 1807, Jarrett made
his first appearance in the Franklin County tax digest, as owner of 17
slaves but no land. In 1808, he had only 10 slaves; in 1811, Killis
Walton served as Jarrett's agent for 14 slaves, but he still owned no
The family tradition that Jarrett's first house in Franklin County
was at the later Turnbull place is borne out by Martha Acker's Deeds of
Franklin County . In 1814, he bought 500 acres of the John Cleveland
estate from Anderson Watkins for $3,000, this land being part of Ben
Cleveland's original grant on Toccoa Creek and the Tugaloo, site of the
ancient and recent Indian occupation and next to Wyly's Owl Swamp. Jar-
rett received a grant of 300 adjacent acres the same year, and a year
later, Wyly and Ben Cleveland, Jr., sold Jarrett 240 more acres on
Toccoa Creek for $1,600. By the time Wyly bought Martin's plantation
in 1818, Jarrett was his most substantial neighbor, owning 21 slaves
and almost 2,000 acres, all of it along Toccoa Creek just to the north-
west of Wyly's new place on Walton's and Ward's creeks. Already a
farmer, juror, storeowner, petty financier, and family man, Devereaux
Jarrett had not yet reached his peak of activity.
Beyond his financial activities, little is known of Devereaux Jar-
rett, l lie person. His father's family had been in Amoricn since (he
late l/ih Century, when Robe r I larretl I came to Virginia. Roberl paid
passage lor seven people, and thus received 322 acres in New Kent County
in 1665. His two sons, Robert Jarrett II and Devereaux Jarrett I, were
born about 1698 and 1700. Robert Jarrett II became the father of Rob-
ert Jarrett III and the Reverend Devereux Jarrett II, who was born in
New Kent in 1732. The Reverend Jarrett was a staunch itinerant Anglican
in Virginia and North Carolina who achieved some fame through his auto-
biography. He died without issue, but his brother, Robert Jarrett III,
was lather to Devereaux Jarrett III, Robert Jarrett IV, and Archelaus —
.ill of whom headed for Georgia as they became adults.
The thn i s emigrated to Elbert and Wilkes counties in Georgia,
Mil (even lux 111 residing in Wilkes during the Revolution. At first
a Loyalist, he was a Patriot by 1780. When he died in 1790, a prosper-
ous slave-owner, his heirs received 575 acres in Franklin County. He
died in Wilkes County, and his will was recorded in Elberton in 182 7.
Archelaus, another Revolutionary War veteran, settled in Elbert County
and had numerous children. Robert IV "was a captain of horse in the
Revolution either from Wilkes Co., Ga. , or just across the line in South
Carolina." His will (now lost) was made in Wilkes County, and "tradi-
tion has it that he died from wounds received in the Revolution." Rob-
ert IV received a Revolutionary bounty grant of 287-1/2 acres in Wash-
ington County in 1785. His son was Devereaux Jarrett IV of Traveler's
Devereaux' s maternal grandparents were William Mallory and Mary
Baker, who had among their children three daughters related to the story
of Traveler's Rest. Ann Mallory married Colonel John Patton of Buncombe
County, North Carolina. Mary Mallory married George Blair, son of the
Habersham County leader James Blair, and moved to the Tugaloo area.
This couple appears in the 1807 ledger. Dorothy Mallory married (first)
Robert Jarrett. Some time after his early death, she brought Devereaux
Jarrett to the Tugaloo.
So Devereaux Jarrett IV spent his childhood in South Carolina and
then moved to Franklin County, where he became a prosperous landowner.
He married his first cousin, Sarah Patton, in Buncombe County, North
Carolina, in 1807. The couple had four children — Thomas Patton, born
in 1812; Robert, 1817; Charles Kennedy, 1820; and Sarah, 1824. Living
after 1814 in his large cabin on Toccoa Creek, Devereaux thrived along
with his neighbor, James R. Wyly, who was building what would one day be
called Jarrett Manor.
As prosperous, upstanding citizens, Jarrett and Wyly performed
small public services for the county. By 1816, 31-year-old Devereaux
Jarrett was a justice of the peace for Franklin County. In the summer
of that year, he helped arbitrate a neighborhood squabble. William
Edins, a substantial landowner down the Tugaloo, appeared before Jarrett
and asserted that James Starrett, another farmer, "had killed & carried
away 'his property.' On reflection, Said Edins now states that he had
for several days been 'addled by spiritous lickers,' and that he is
sorry for what has transpired in said dispute," whereupon the proceed-
ings were stopped. '
Jarrett (along with Wyly) also served on the Franklin County Grand
Jury in Carnesville, a judicial body which played an interesting role in
the county during those years. The grand jury reprimanded one justice
of the peace for neglecting to report his accounts accurately, and the
jury also sought to stir the county road commissioners into action, cit-
ing the i' i I izens' "grievance" over "(lie had .\ almost Lntire [sic]
Neglected situation of our roads." Then, as now, the grand jury endeav-
ored to serve as moral guardian for the community. Those who had taken
to drunkenness, assaulting slaves, fornication, and gambling at Carnes-
ville were condemned and rooted out. In April of 1815, the grand jury,
which included Wyly, lamented the sad moral condition of Franklin County
We view with extreme regret that so little attention is
paid to those morals and principles that should be promoted
in all republican governments; and presents as a grievance
the frequent practice of gambling in this county....
Those who ignored "republican" decency in one anti-social way or another
could be confined, but they could also be whipped, branded, or executed,
depending upon the extent of their "crimes."
Architectural historians have found it far easier to determine how
Traveler's Rest was built than when it was built. What sort of struc-
tures Wyly acquired on the Walton's Ford tract when he bought it from
the second Joseph Martin cannot be ascertained, but the price, $2,000 for
200 acres, suggests that a house was on the grounds. Archaeological
excavations under the house have produced evidence (beneath the southern
end) of an "Indian-style" cabin. There is remote chance that this cabin
was built by Jesse Walton, or even earlier, but a much greater possibil-
ity is that it was put up by one of his children or by the second Joseph
Martin. No one has dared any definitive speculations as to the dates of
this structure, 5 or what it looked like.™ It is probable that this
house was still standing when Wyly bought the property. If so, it
appears that he soon replaced it with the south end of Traveler's Rest.
According to archaeologist William Kelso's report of 1968, the main
house underwent "two major periods of construction evidenced by differ-
ent materials, construction methods, and carpenter's marks." The recent
study by architectural historian Paul Buchanan confirms this. Because
the scaffold post-holes for the central chimney were north of the chim-
ney, under the northern section of the house, Kelso maintained that the
south end of the house must have been built first. This theory is
supported by the markings on the rafters of the ceiling, also. Those
on the south half of the house were labeled with Roman numerals of a
somewhat different style from those of the north half. Both sections of
the house were fitted together on the ground, then reassembled to hold
the roof. - 1 -
Under the extreme southern part of the house, a "back-filled root
cellar" was discovered, apparently having been used in conjunction with
the southern half of the house when it stood alone. Artifacts filling
the root cellar show that it was closed and the southern chimney added
sometime between 1816 and 1825. On this slim evidence, the experts
have concluded that the two ends of the house (Periods I and ID were
built about 20 years apart; the first section in around 1815-20, Lin
second during the 1830s. Evidence in the deeds does not confirm or
deny this hypothesis, but it does support the hypothesis that the house
was started by Wyly and enlarged by Jarrett. J
The house measures 90 feet by 39 feet and contains in its two and
one-half stories 13 rooms and numerous fireplaces. Devereaux Jarretl
arranged his house to suit the convenience of his family and his £iu
Travelers could reach their rooms without going through the house, and
the family quarters were provided with some privacy. ^
Also pertaining to the structure are the rock-basement, kitchen, a
dug-out wine cellar, and several outbuildings. The "loomhouse," adja-
cent le the northern corner el I lie house, had multiple dirt-Moor levels
by the time the State acquired the site. Artifacts (a crock handle and
metal lid) show that the strut- tare was used for loomin;: ca. 1850, and
Buchanan has concluded that it was built after the rest of the house.
The Lower, original floor was covered with materials usually associated
with a dairy. [See the Appendix for Paul Buchanan's complete report
on the structural history of Traveler's Rest.]
fifty feet northwest of the manor house, excavators uncovered the
foundations of a smokehouse. It is known that Devereaux Jarrett often
handled large amounts of smoked meat, so he definitely needed a place to
store it. [The smokehouse may be seen in the 1890s photograph repro-
duced in this report.] The artifacts found in the floor excavations
inclined Kelso to believe that the smokehouse was built in the early
L830s, which would correspond to the time of Jarrett 's acquisition of
Walton's Ford. The other structures that housed Devereaux Jarrett ' s
enterprises — the store-tavern, barns, stables, smithy, mills, slave
cabins, and bridge — no longer exist.
During his first years in Franklin County, Devereaux Jarrett was
also involved in a tanyard. A rough ledger survives from 1817 and 1818
and provides a hazy idea of business at the tanyard, the location of
which is unknown. Jarrett had a partner in the tanyard, William Grey, a
Revolutionary War veteran or the son of a veteran. Ben Cleveland, Jr.,
the second Joseph Martin, and James Blair brough skins to the yard,
mostly deer, but some bear and mink, and they also bought leathergoods
there. Because this ledger refers to an "old book," it is possible to
infer that Jarrett 's tanyard was in business before 1817. No other tan-
yard ledgers survive, but the yard is mentioned in the 1830s ledgers.
The kinds of artifacts found in the excavations -- tableware,
pipes, locks, buttons — show that the early settlers at Walton's Ford,
like other American pioneers, were dependent on England for their manu-
factured items. The Martins, Wylys and Jarretts were prosperous, but
not to the extent that they used implements different from their neigh-
bors. The items sold in Jarrett's store throughout its existence bear
out this idea of rustic simplicity.
At Walton's Ford, Wyly worked his farm, continued to father numer-
ous children, and handled his jobs as river commissioner, militia offi-
cer, and sheriff. In addition, in 1828, he was named postmaster at Wal-
ton s Ford. It seems probable that Wyly built a tavern-store near
Walton's Ford, and one page of the 1831-1833 ledger, entitled "Wyly's
Ferry," makes the premise appear even more likely. The items sold
included alcohol in small amounts, probably consumed on the premises.
While Wyly was building Traveler's Rest, Jarrett was accumulating
property. In 1819, Devereaux bought "Estatoe Old Fields" for $2,925,
thereby acquiring the site of another old Cherokee town. He purchased
several hundred additional acres on the Tugaloo and Toccoa Creek in the
1820s, and then he became involved in an interesting transaction in 1829
when he mortgaged "Estatoe Old Fields" to a Cherokee leader, John Mar-
tin. Martin, one-time treasurer of the Cherokee Nation, was eventually
a prominent leader of the pro-removal faction in the tribe. An owner of
•res of slaves," he was a nephew of frontier General Joseph Martin.
By 1830, Devereaux Jarrett owned about 3,600 acres, mostly in the area
somewhat to the northwest of Traveler's Rest, with a hit of acreage en
Ward's Creek. 51
Throughout the ante-bellum years, the Tugaloo area remained .1
"backwoods" region, relatively sparse in settlement, with a few tiny
towns. Habersham County, 31 miles by 23 miles, was created out of Frank-
lin County and the Cherokee cession of 1818 [see Map 11]. According to
Sherwood's Gazetteer , Clarkesville , the county seat, had 33 houses and
stores in the mid-1820s, while Carnesville had but 14 houses and five
stores. Most of the settlers had small farms and few, if any, slaves.
The lands were "adapted to wheat and corn. The climate is unsurpassed."
In 1837, Clarkesville still had only 270 people and was the largest town
in a county then populated by 10,671. Clarkesville was a "courthouse
town," a center for transportation, commerce, schools, professions, and
Devereaux Jarrett was a man who constantly expanded his operations.
When, for some unknown reason, Wyly decided to give up his large estab-
lishment at Walton's Ford, Jarrett was wealthy enough to acquire it. A
small scrap of paper from December 9, 1833, records that Jarrett agreed
to pay Wyly $6,000 for his plantation at Walton's Ford. The actual deed
to this exchange, drawn up in 1838, refers to 2,276-1/2 acres "more or
less ... at or near Walton's Ford, being the premises whereon said Jar-
rett now lives ... being all the lands I owned adjoining Walton's Ford
.... So Devereaux Jarrett moved his family and slaves down the
river to the place he named Traveler's Rest, though the origin of that
name has become obscure. Wyly moved to Clarkesville, but continued to
hold establishments in the Nacoochee Valley and Hiwassee. He died in
Clarkesville in 1855. 54
Franklin County, 1784, showing outline of subsequent count
iraveler s Rest.
ies. *Site of
Chapter .5 : The Early Days at Traveler's Rest
Martha W. Ackers, ed. , Deeds of Franklin County , Georgia 1784-1826
(Easley, S.C.: Southern Historical Press, 1976). On William Walker,
see pp. 235, 288, 293; on Robert, see pp. 257, 280, 292; on George,
see p. 323; on Killis, see p. 323; on the Walton heir relinquishment
to Joseph Martin, see p. 322. According to James E. Saunders, Early
Settlers of Alabama (New Orleans: L. Graham & Son, Ltd., 1899),
George Walton moved to Laurence County, Alabama, with Joseph Martin,
Coulter, Old Petersburg , p. 26.
3 Franklin County Tax Digests , 1798 and 1807; Flanders, Plantation Slav-
_e_ry_, p. 52.
Draper Manuscripts, 3XX13.
5 Ibid. , 14DD113.
Trogdon, Stephens County History , p. 32; Coulter, A Short History , p
7 Miller's Weekly Messenger , July 28, 1810; Trogden, Stephens County
History , p. 32; Coulter, Old Petersburg , pp. 66-67.
" The John Sevier letter and Georgia Senate act are from papers pains-
takingly collected by Dr. Thomas Lumsden of Clarkesville , Ga. Lums-
den has spent years searching out materials pertaining to the Unicoi
Turnpike. Most of the information available on this subject is the
result of his efforts.
" Mrs. J.E. Hays (ed.), Indian Treaties , Cessions of Land in Georgia ,
1705-1837 (Atlanta: W.P.A. Project, 1941), p. 376c.
12 Lumsden-Unicoi Papers; Thomas Lumsden, "Nacoochie Valley, Early Cross-
roads," unpublished paper. Yet on p. 105, Sherwood, in discussing
Toccoa Falls, comments that the mouth of Toccoa Creek was near the
head of navigation on the Tugaloo. Apparently the location of the
Tugaloo's highest navigable point was not precisely known even then.
See also Seymour Dunbar, A History of Travel in America (Indianapolis
Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1914), pp. 506-8; Cora Bales Sevier and Nancy S.
Madden, Sevier Family History (Washington, D.C.: Kaufmann Printing
Co., Inc., 1961), pp. 296-97; Edmond J. Cleveland and Horace G.
Cleveland, The Genealogy of the Clevelan d and Cleaveland Families
(Hartford, Conn.: Case, Lockwood, & Brainard, 1899), pp. 2113-15.
Ibid . ; Knoxville Register , April 6, 1819 ,
*--> Lumsden-Unicoi Papers
Coulter, Old Petersburg , pp. 67-69.
Ibid . , pp. 52-53.
18 Lumsden-Unicoi Papers; Laws of Georgia ,
Ibid . , pp. 56, 58.
Hays, Hero of Hornet 's Nest , p. 9; John Lambert, Travels through
Lower Canada and the United States (London: T. Gillet, 1810), pp. 52-
21 Jarrett ledgers, 1805-1813.
23 Ibid .
2 4 Ackers, Franklin County Deeds , p. 253.
" Cleveland Genealogy , p. 2114; on William Clark, see Ackers, Franklin
County Deeds , p. 23; Sevier Family History , p. 296. The Cleveland
Genealogy apparently erred in its claims that the "Unicory" turnpike
was begun in 1804, that Wyly was sheriff in Franklin County, Tennes-
see, and that Wyly did not move to Georgia until 1818.
Ackers, Franklin County Deeds , pp. 323, 338, 352; Sevier Family His-
tory , p. 296.
27 U.S. Halbert and T.H. Ball, The Creek War of 1813 and 1814 (Chicago:
Donohue and Henneberry, 1895), pp. 268-69, 273-74; Coulter, A Short
History , p. 212. The author has not ascertained whether Devereaux
Jarrett and Joseph Martin served with General Floyd. "Georgia's Ros-
ter of the War of 1812" shows that Jarrett was commissioned as a cap-
tain of the Franklin County Militia in 1814 (from the Jarrett family
Ackers, Franklin County Deeds , pp. 397-98.
Thomas Patton's memoir in Traveler's Rest papers in possession of
Henry and Elizabeth Hayes family and the Historic Preservation Sec-
tion. Thomas Patton Jarrett 's memoir claims that Devereaux' s mother
was a Dortha Lane. Genealogical research by Mrs. R.E. O'Donnell,
however, provides the information that her name was actually Dorothy
Mallory. See "Research, Jarrett Family," Traveler's Rest paperi .
Mabel Ramsey notes; conversation with Rose Jarrett Taylor; Traveler's
31 Jarrett ledgers, 1805-1813.
3^ Jarrett family papers in possession of Henry and Elizabeth Hayes.
Franklin County Tax Digests for 1807 , 1808 , 1811; Jarrett ledgers,
1805-1813. It is unfortunate that Franklin County Tax Digests for
the years 1812 through 1817 are lost.
Franklin County records, Superior Court Minutes , 1814-1815 ; Tax
Digests ; Franklin County Deeds ; pp. 351-52.
"Jarrett-Smith Genealogy," Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preserva-
3 Ibid . ; Ackers, Franklin County Deeds , p. 90, refers to a Robert Jar-
rett grant on Little Nails Creek (granted 1786) , sold by Jarrett to
Churnel Wallace. Page 115 refers to a 287-1/2-acre grant to Robert
Jarrett for Indian Creek.
36 Jarrett ledgers, 1818, front page, and accounts. The 1818 ledger
shows that by 1820 Devereaux was worth $20,904.50 in accounts alone.
3 ' Ackers, Franklin County Deeds , pp. 351-52.
38 Franklin County records, Superior Court Minutes , 1815 .
39 Ackers, Franklin County Deeds, pp. 397-98; Kelso, "Excavations," His-
toric Preservation Section.
41 Andrew Sparkes , "Plastic Skin Reveals Secrets of Old Inn," Atlanta
Journal-Constitution Magazine , November 13, 1966, p. 34.
Kelso, "Excavation," pp. 10, 11, 18.
43 ibid. ; Ackers, Franklin County Deeds , p. 398; Sparkes, "Plastic Skin,'
44 Sparkes, "Plastic Skin," p. 34. The students felt that the second
owner, Vlyly, had added the porch. They also concluded that while the
first and third owners were skilled (or employed) craftsmen, the sec-
ond did crude, sloppy work.
45 Kelso, "Excavation;" Sparkes, "Plastic Skin," p. 34.
4" Kelso, "Excavation."
47 Tanyard ledger; 1830s ledger, p. 107.
48 Kelso, "Excavations;" ledger, 1805-1813.
Wyly ledger page in Historic Preservation Section; Wyly as postmaster,
National Archives and Records Service, U.S. Post Office Records,
Appointments of Postmasters, Vol. 5, p. 207.
Habersham County records, Superior Court deeds; on John Martin, see
Louise Hays (ed.), Cherokee Indian T alks , Letters , Treaties , 1786 -
1838 (Atlanta: Georgia Department of Archives and History, 1938), p.
289. It would be interesting to find out if Jarrett used the Chero-
kee removal, as did so many Georgians, to avoid his debt to John Mar-
tin, but such information is not available.
See Devereaux Jarrett in Franklin and Habersham county records; see
Jarrett deeds in Historic Preservation Section.
J Adiel Sherwood, A Gazetteer of the State off Georgia (Athens, Ga. :
University of Georgia Press, 1939), pp. 38, 44, 118; Joan A. Sears,
"Town Planning in White and Habersham Counties," Georgia Historical
Quarterly , Vol. 54 (1970), p. 26; George White, Historical Collec -
tions of Georgia (New York: Pudney & Russell, Publishers, 1859), p.
See Jarrett deeds, Historic Preservation Section.
Cleveland Genealogy , p. 2114; Habersham County courthouse records.
In September of 1836, Sarah Hawkins Clark Wyly initiated divorce pro-
ceedings against James R. Wyly. She testified that after "ten years
... in much peace and harmony ... And afterwards to wit in the year
eighteen hundred and twelve the said James R. forgeting [sic] or dis-
regarding his duties as a husband . . . commenced a course of unkind
and ill treatment toward your petitioner refusing her his counten-
ance, support and protection; reviling and abusing your petitioner
[and] ... had criminal intercourse with other women." The divorce
was granted in 1836, with Devereaux Jarrett on the jury. See Travel-
er's Rest papers.
Devereaux Jarrett, proprietor of Traveler's Rest, in a
photograph obtained from Jarrett descendants, date unknown,
TAVERNS, TRAVEL, AND TRAVELER'S REST
In the heyday of Devereaux Jarrett's stagecoach inn at Traveler's
Rest, wayfaring in America was an adventurous pastime. Not only were
travelers subject to innumerable hardships and mishaps while on the
move, but they also, more often than not, found their nights' lodgings
fraught with unpleasant uncertainties. Nevertheless, travel was a pop-
ular phenomenon in the United States, even in the pre-industrial years
during which Traveler's Rest thrived. Americans were a people on the
move as no people had been before.
It is fortunate that many of these ante-bellum journeyers were lit-
erate, for an ample record now exists from their letters, journals, and
memoirs of what people, travel, and taverns in this country were like
during that period. The reading world was deeply curious about the
still-young United States, and many travelers (frequently Europeans)
recorded their impressions with an eye to publication. Today, their
observations are one of historians' main sources on the American tavern.
Such travelogs are tremendously useful for the student of Traveler's
Rest. From them, it is possible to reconstruct the general pattern of
travel as well as taverns and to compare this pattern to conditions at
Traveler's Rest. Two of these travelogs now provide the only actual
views — just glimpses at that — of Traveler's Rest itself.
The only on-the-scene descriptions of Jarrett's place, in its
prime, that have been discovered are those of George W. Featherstonhaugh
and James Silk Buckingham — both Englishmen. Featherstonhaugh was a
- 115 -
farmer, entrepreneur, politician, and scientist of aristocratic inclina-
tions who had lived in the United States for 30 years before he began a
series of geological-survey tours for the federal government in the mid-
1830s. His book, A Canoe Voyage Up the Minnay Sotor , relates in vivid
detail his impressions during extensive excursions through the country,
including two visits to Traveler's Rest in 1836. Buckingham was a gen-
teel Englishman who had trouble restraining his abolitionist, reformist
opinions while touring the South. A "professional world traveler," he
managed to produce eight books on his American adventures alone, and his
The Slave States of America recounts an extensive journey through the
South, which was supported by lectures (usually concerning his travels
in the Holy Lands) in the towns he visited. Traveling with his family
in 1839, Buckingham stopped at Jarrett's for a night.
Europeans were apparently greatly surprised by the fact that "in
America and especially in the West everybody travels." Many of these
journeyers were people on the move from one home to another, but others
traveled for reasons of business, opportunity, religion, or curiosity.
Featherstonhaugh, who heartily disapproved of the average American,
If all the doctors, lawyers, tavern-keepers, itinerant
priests, tradesmen, speculators, and bankrupts, that are
roaming about this great western country, seeking whom
they may devour, were to congregate in one place, it would
be the most populous and extraordinary city out [side] of
While northern Georgia was more sparsely traveled than the "West" —
meaning the northwestern and southwestern frontiers east of the Missis-
sippi River — surely the Tugaloo crossroads saw its share of charac-
Buckingham and Featherstonhaugh were members of an exceptional
group of travelers — highly cultivated people who fastidiously resented
the average American's hard-drinking, tobacco-chewing and -spitting,
swearing familiarity. An apparent snob, Featherstonhaugh at least was
inclined to agree with Count Francisco Arese, who described the average
traveler and tavern-keeper as "rude, uncivil, disagreeable, stinking: in
a word, they are animals of an inferior type dressed like men."
So much traveling occurred during this period that the combined
American traditions of hospitality and acquisitiveness practically
forced hundreds of wayside cabins and houses into the tavern business.
When travelers stopped at a home by the roadside, they expected to get
hospitality and to pay for it. It may be that Wyly's large house at the
Tugaloo Crossroads became an inn in this manner. On the other hand,
the size of Traveler's Rest and its convenient location on the highway,
as well as the provisions of the Unicoi Treaty, argue for the theory
that the house was actually built to be an inn.
The informality of origin of many inns led to a wide variety of
accommodations, with Buckingham's and Featherstonhaugh' s works providing
ample testimony to the fact that weary travelers never knew what to
expect at the end of a day's bouncing and jouncing on horseback or in
stagecoach. The average tavern was certainly not prepossessing in
appearance, and unlike Traveler's Rest, the great majority of Southern
inns were not picturesque and comfortable. Stopping-places were all too
often like the drab and depressing one in North Carolina visited by the
Buck i nghams :
The bed-rooms were dark and dingy, t he bedding coarse
and dirty; no wash-stands, dressing-tables, mats, or car-
pets; broken looking-glasses, tallow candles, brass and
tin candlesticks, and filthy negro servants; these were
the accommodations that awaited the traveller. The din-
ing-room was not more than eight feet high, with a white-
washed ceiling, blackened with the ascending smoke of
candles; it was like a badly built soldiers' barracks;
and the fare was like that of nearly all the country
inns, coarse, greasy, tough, badly dressed, and cold. Tn
short, the whole establishment was forbidding and com-
fortless in an unusual degree; yet here many families of
opulence, and especially ladies, passed several months in
the summer; were anxious to get here, and always sorrv
when the time came to go away.
It is known that Jarrett's inn was not a fancy place, but in its rustic
way, it was lar more comfortable for travelers, including Buckingham,
than places such as that described above.
Food, just as often as not, was untempting to the palate at most of
these inns. At a decent place, one might be served a meal such as
"chicken cooked with red rice and seasoned with butter and a little pep-
per and salt; green field peas with raw onions and green peppers,
served with corn bread."" But Featherstonhaugh and Buckingham reported
that the usual faro was inedible. Buckingham, stopping at a place in
Sparta, Georgia, said:
The sight of the public table prepared for the passen-
gers was so revolting, that, hungry as we were after our
long and cold ride, early rising, and violent motion, we
turned away in disgust from the table, and made our dinner
in the coach on hard biscuits. There were three lines of
coaches on this road, all leaving at the same hour, and
arriving at the same time.... The passengers from each of
them took their seats at the table, and many of them
appeared to dine as heartily as if they saw nothing unu-
sual in the fare. But the dirty state of the room in which
the table was laid, the filthy condition of the table-cloth,
the coarse and broken plates, rusty knives and forks, and
large chunks of boiled pork, and various messes of corn
and rancid butter, added to the coarse and vulgar appear-
ance and manner of most of the guests, made the whole
scene the most revolting we had yet witnessed in the
Even where the food was good, however, the traveler might find it
difficult to consume. Especially on the Southern frontier, eating
utensils were often primitive. Tn Arkansas, Featherstonhaugh found a
tavern where the landlady relied on humor to overcome a limited supply
of silverware. She had "no forks but them as what's on the table;
thar's Stump Handle, Crooky Prongs, Horney, Big Pewter, Little Pickey
and that's just what thar is, and I expec they are all thar to speak for
themselves." Upon introduction, "Stump Handle" was revealed to "consist
of one prong of an old fork" with one end "stuck into a stump piece of
wood." "Crooky Prongs" apparently "was curled over on each side, that
it might also serve as a fishhook." "Horney," fashioned from a cow
horn, "was a sort of imitation of a fork," while "Big Pewter" was "the
handle of a spoon with the bowl broken off." "Little Pickey" resembled
"a cobbler's awl fastened in a thick piece of wood." To make matters
worse, napkins were practically unknown in America before 1850."
After dinner, some travelers might have chosen to sleep, but that
was seldom an inconvenience to those who felt the desire to stay awake
and socialize. Featherstonhaugh was continually amazed at the rudeness
of these non-sleepers, and one can well imagine the discomfort of
scenes in small taverns with "two-thirds of tiie bar-room floor . . . cov-
ered by the beds of weary travellers, lying closely side by side, and
the remaining part occupied by people engaged in drinking and noisy con-
Taverns often became so crowded that sleep was nearly impossible,
yet even under uncramped circumstances, the would-be sleeper faced other
hazards. Bedbugs and other "varmints" competed for sovereignty in
almost every inn, and even those few who struggled against tliem could
rely only on "constant cleaning with a liberal use of quicksilver as a
sort of insecticide" as the most effective method. How the quicksilver
worked is unknown to Paton Yoder, historian of taverns, but it must have
been used as a poison. In Maryland, Feather stonhaugh awoke one morning
to find "bugs running all over me and over everything else," and in Mis-
souri, he was diverted by his roommate, who "was constantly doubling
himself up on his hams, to scratch away as energetically as if he was
paid for it," protesting with "deep blasphemies [which] were
unequaled . "- 1 '
In some seasons, mosquitoes were as aggravating as bedbugs, and
rats and mice were also nocturnal visitors. More than one guest must
have been awakened, as was the governor of Wisconsin, by a pig poking
about his body. Although the Buckinghams apparently had a pleasant stay
in Athens, Georgia, where the people were charming and the Planter's
Hotel "peculiarly agreeable," they did encounter problems during the
There was only one drawback to our comfort, which, it
is true, was a large one, and that was the incessant and
uninterrupted chorus kept up every night by the dogs,
cows, and hogs, that seemed to divide among them the
undisputed possession of the streets at night. Not less
than a hundred of each of these seemed to be at large,
as though they belonged to no one, each doing its best
to forage for provender, and each endeavoring to main-
tain the superiority of its class, in the barking, low-
ing, and grunting of their respective members. H
On another night in Athens, the Buckinghams were disturbed by a
crew of slaves, well-lubricated with whiskey, who were moving a house.
The worst night of all, however, must have been at the Planter's Hotel
in Augusta, during which their slumbers were interrupted when the hotel
burned down in a huge conflagration.
Usually, lodgers were expected to share beds with strangers when
necessary. Fastidious people found this sort of "gambling" with their
health abominable, for it was difficult to sleep crowded together with
the dirty, the intoxicated, the diseased, or the sort of person "who
spent the evening telling of his eye-gouging exploits." Unscreened new-
comers might arrive in a guest's bed at any hour of the night. One fel-
low who tried to retain a private bed by claiming to have "the itch" was
rewarded with a cheerful bedmate who acknowledged the same condition. J
If at all possible, travelers of Featherstonhaugh ' s and Bucking-
ham's ilk attempted to obtain private beds or even private rooms, and
sometimes, as at Traveler's Rest, they could. In the effort, however,
they exposed themselves to ridicule as snobs, and one landlady judged
such privacy-seekers thusly: "Ugh! Great people truly! — a bed to
themselves — the hogs! — They travel together, and they eat together
— and they eat enough, too -- and yet they can't sleep together."- 1 -^
Bathroom facilities were usually primitive, and before 1850, almost
all taverns provided only outside facilities. Even at that late date,
only the best hotels offered washstands, basins, mirrors, pitchers, and
chamberpots for the guests, and soap was an unusual luxury, as were tow-
els. A tavern joke of the era tells of a fastidious patron cut short by
the innkeeper's indignant retort, "Sir, two hundred men have wiped on
that towel and you are the first to complain."
Taverns could be just as useful for their neighbors as for travel-
ers. Not only were they likely to be used as stores and post offices,
but they were frequently the onlv useful community gathering places, and
they were especially valuable as neighborhood recreational centers. The
people living near a tavern-inn such as Traveler's Rest used it for pro-
moting local politics, conversation, and conversion, as well as drink-
ing, banqueting, and gambling.
Feathers tonhaugh and Buckingham were both unfavorably impressed
witli American drinking habits, and another English traveler, Frederick
There is an unceasing pouring out and amalgamation of
alcohol and other compounds, from morning to late at night.
To drink with a friend when you meet him is good fellow-
ship, to drink with a stranger is politeness and a proof
of wishing to be better acquainted.... Americans can fix
nothing without a drink. If you meet, you drink; if you
part, you drink; if you make acquaintance, you drink; if
you close a bargain, you drink; they quarrel in their
drink, and they make it up with a drink. They drink
because it is hot; they drink because it is cold. If suc-
cessful in elections, they drink and rejoice, if not, they
drink and swear....!"
The ledger books of Traveler's Rest indicate that plenty of drinking
went on there intermi t tant ly , most likely in the nearby store, but perhaps
in the "lobby" of the house, as well.
According to Paton Yoder, dancing was enjoyed even at the most
primitive taverns, although frontier dances were not fancy affairs.
Featherstonhaugh was shocked by a "ball" in Arkansas attended by a hun-
dred men and three women, at which the men danced in full regalia,
"their hats on ... armed with pistols and bowie knives." As the land-
lord and his helpers "took pitchers of a strong whiskey-punch round the
room," everyone "got amazingly drunk, but were very good natured, for
there were only a few shots fired in fun."-'-' At such affairs people might
carouse until three o'clock in the morning or later, but it probably may
be assumed that whatever dancing festivities occurred at Traveler's Rest
were somewhat more genteel.
Sometimes taverns also served to help convey the "Word of the Lord."
Traveler Henry Milburn told of an itinerant preacher named Peter Cart-
wright, who was most resourceful in finding opportunities for conver-
There was a dance at an inn where he stopped, and no
room to sit in but the ball-room. A young girl politely
asked him to dance with her. He led her out on the floor,
and as the fiddler was about to strike up, said to the
company that it was his custom to ask God's blessings on
all undertakings, and he would do this now. Instantly
dropping on his knees, he pulled his partner down too, and
prayed until the fiddler fled in fright and some of the
dancers wept or cried for mercy; then proceeded to exhort
and sing hymns, and did not cease his labors until he had
organized a Methodist church of thirty- two members, and
made the landlord class-leader . 18
It is not known whether the Jarretts allowed such disruptions at their
For day-to-day socializing, the tavern was extremely useful. Where
else could neighbors come to talk politics, gossip, discuss weather and
crops, or pair off their children? Perhaps this poem was true of the
social room at Traveler's Rest:
They sat in all the different ways
That men could sit, or ever sat;
They told of all their jolly days,
And spat in all the different ways
That men could spit, or ever spat. 19
Taverns were the scene of local celebrations and competitions, also,
Target-shoots, cockfights, horse races, gander-pullings , and greased-
pole contests were popular, and these may have- taken place at Traveler's
Rest. 20 Like modern Americans, settlers on the Southern frontier had a
propensity for violent entertainment: brawling and dueling were rivaled
in popularity by bear-baiting, dog- and cockfights, and gander-pulling.
In Decatur, Alabama, Featherstonhaugh was invited to what he referred to
sarcastically as a "polite amusement" staged at the tavern. The condes-
cending scientist observed :
'Gander-pulling' is a sort of tournament on horseback,
and is, I believe, of European origin. A path is laid out
on the exterior of a circle of about 150 feet diameter,
and two saplings are sunk into ground about 12 feet apart,
on each side of the path. These being connected towards
the top with a slack cord, a live gander with his legs
tied, and his neck and head made as slippery as possible
with goose grease, is suspended by the feet to that part
of the cord immediately over the path. The knights of the
gander having each deposited a small sum with the manager
of the game to form a sweepstakes and to defray the
expenses, follow each other, mounted on horseback, at
intervals round the ring, two or three times before the
signal is made to pull. When that is done, the cavaliers
advance, each fixing his eye steadily upon the gander's
shining neck, which he must seize and drag from the body
of the wretched bird before the purse is won. This is not
easily done, for as the rider advances he has to pass two
men, five or six yards before he reaches the potence, one
of them on each side of the path, and both armed with
stout whips, who flog his horse unmercifully the instant
he comes up with them, to prevent any unfair delay at the
cord. Many are thus unable to seize the neck at all, hav-
ing enough to do to keep the saddle, and others who suc-
ceed in seizing it often find it impracticable to retain
hold of such a slippery substance upon a horse at full
speed. Meantime the gander is sure to get some severe
'scrags,' and for awhile screams most lustily, which
forms a prominent part of the entertainment. The tourna-
ment is generally continued long after the poor bird's
neck is broken before it is dragged from its body; but
some of the young fellows have horses well trained to the
sport, and grasp the neck with such strength and adroit-
ness, that they bear off the head, windpipe, and all,
screaming convulsively after they are separated from the
body. This is considered the greatest feat that can be
performed at gander-pulling.
Having been over-satiated at his first gander-pulling, Featherstonhaugh
had "no inclination to be present a second time," and he hastened to
catch the steamer out of Decatur instead of joining the "good ol' boys"
at the tavern. *■■*■
Feathers tonhaugh could not abide American politics either, which
seemed to him to be a competition of buffoons clowning for the democra-
tic rubbish. At taverns, however, he was constantly exposed to poli-
tics, for these were always neighborhood political centers. He wrote:
What these parsnip-looking country fellows in Georgia
seem to enjoy most is political disputation in the bar-
room of their filthy taverns, exhibiting much bitterness
against each other in supporting the respective candi-
dates of the Union and State-rights parties which divide
the State, and this without seeming to have the slightest
information respecting the principles of either. Execra-
tion and vociferation, and 'Well, I'm for Jackson, by
! ' were the nearest approach to logic ever made in my
If Featherstonhaugh had happened upon a group of farmers capable of ser-
ious discussion of ideas and issues at Traveler's Rest in 1836, he
surely would have heard them holding forth on religion, the Cherokee
removal, the benefits of slavery, and/or nullification and states'
According to Rouse's The Great W agon Road, some convenient wall in
any worthy establishment was utilized as a public-notice board. Rouse
quotes a German traveler as saying:
It is not always the custom to hang shields before tav-
erns, but they are easily identified by the great number
of miscellaneous papers and advertisements with which the
walls and doors of these publick houses are plaistered
[sic]; generally, the more bills are to be seen on a
house, the better it will be found to be. In this way
the traveller is afforded a many sided entertainment, and
can inform himself as to where the taxes are heavy, where
wives have run away, horses been stolen, or the new Doc-
tor has settled.... J
Certainly, Traveler's Rest was a stopping-place of such quality as to be
graced with numerous decorative handbills. It seems probable that
notices would have been concentrated in one of the public rooms — per-
haps the post office — and notices probably were also posted in the
The tavern-keepers were as unpredictable and varied as their estab-
lishments. Europeans, accustomed to obsequious inn-keepers on the con-
tinent, often found their American counterparts too proud and indepen-
dent a breed. Sometimes, however, they must have wished that the pro-
prietors had more pride. In Clarkesville, Featherstonhaugh found him-
self embroiled in a soap-opera-like episode, when the landlord of the
hotel, in over his head with debts and problems with women, sought an
end to them all:
Mr. Levy had about an hour before I reached the house
attempted to liquidate all his worldly concerns by first
drinking as much brandy as he could carry, and then hang-
ing himself in a room upstairs. He was found, however,
in time and cut down; and what was exceedingly odd,
instead of sending for a doctor and keeping him out of
sight, he was brought down-stairs and exposed drunk and
half dead to the visitors and servants. ^
Some landlords were definitely unenterprising. Yoder reports
Featherstonhaugh' s encounter with
'... [a] lazy, frowzy, tobacco-chewing,' innkeeper ...
'lantern jawed,' with ill-fitting trowsers [sic ]' covered
with grease' and a 'snuff-coloured visage' [who] had one
talent . . . expectorating tobacco juice with a force and
precision hitherto 'unknown ... to that branch of projec-
tiles.' While he conformed in part to the image of the
landlord in that he was an active Democrat and a justice
of the peace, his political methods were unorthodox, for
he sometimes attempted to convince his opponents 'by
squirting his opinoin into their eyes.' He practiced his
art also on the little ducklings which approached his
perch on the veranda, invariably knocking them 'over neck
and heels. . . . ' 25
Other tavern-keepers were the centers of storms of activity. Such
a man was Devereaux Jarrett. Paton Yoder, discussing the many roles of
tavern-keepers, might almost be listing the enterprises of Jarrett,
although the list would be incomplete even then. Yoder asserts that it
was common practice for an inn-keeper also to operate a store, a farm, a
ferry, and a post office. Jarrett not only had all these, but he also
operated mills, a bridge, a smithy, and money-lending and gold-mining
activities as well. " Since taverns were often the centers of neighbor-
hood political activity, the keepers were frequently local political
leaders. Who would be in a better position to see everyone? Yoder com-
ments: "Landlords became justices of the peace, county commissioners,
sheriffs, judges, surveyers, United States marshal and members of
state legislatures. "^' Devereaux Jarrett apparently scorned the prac-
tice of politics, however, for his only office was justice of the peace,
and that came before the days of Traveler's Rest. Rut in his capacity
as host, a proprietor was inevitably called upon to express his politi-
cal opinions, as Jarrett was in his brief relationship with Featherston-
haugh, who discovered Jarrett to be an admirer of John C. Calhoun. 28
The measure of a good landlord was his abilities as a host, with
the unsatisfactory extreme perhaps personified by the suicidal landlord
at Clarkesville. An able inn-keeper, on the other hand, would actively
entertain the guests, preside at his table, mingle in the common room,
and permeate the establishment with a congenial personality. It can be
certain that Devereaux Jarrett was a good representative of this other,
more pleasant, extreme, as the only recorded impressions of Traveler's
Rest are decidedly favorable.
The labor force at a roadside tavern was usually a disappointment
to travelers such as Featherstonhaugh and Buckingham. Landlords used
servants or slaves, and both served in this function at Traveler's Rest.
At a particularly modest inn, however, the landlord's family might be
the only help.
A professionally-minded tavern-keeper might advertise in local
newspapers, and Yoder finds the typical advertisements to be simple and
direct. For this study, an examination of several Georgia and South
Carolina newspapers from 1807 to 1855 revealed no advertising for Trav-
eler's Rest, although numerous other hotels around the state used the
newspapers. A typical ad for a frontier inn appeared in the Pendleton,
S.C. Weekly Messenger in 1823:
The subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the
public, that he has opened his new house at the sign of the
RISING SUN, at the southwest corner of the public square,
in the town of Pendleton, S.C., every attention in his power
will be given to make those comfortable, who may honor him
with a visit.
In northern Georgia in the 1830s, hotels also advertised their accessi-
bility to the gold lands. Signs were often used to direct travelers to
taverns on highways in the region. There may have been a sign at Trav-
eler's Rest, but Buckingham was directed to Jarrett's farm as the only
house on the road with glass windows. 30
County tavern laws were designed to restrain the socially-irrespon-
sible landlord, with these laws regulating prices and requiring licenses
for lodging and liquor-dispensing. Sometimes such laws were intended to
protect the public from "the impoverishment of many people and their
families, and the ruin of the health and corruption of the manners of
youth, who upon such occasions often fall in company with lewd, idle and
dissolute persons. ... "-'-*■ In Georgia, such laws provided for the estab-
lishment of tavern rates by the county inferior court, where taverns
also secured their licenses. Unfortunately, the license records of Hab-
ersham County are apparently lost.
When traveling in those days, people found that "getting there" was
a significant challenge in itself. Stagecoach travel, the most "civil-
ized" mode of the time, was often an arduous, even hazardous, means of
transportation. Buckingham reported American stages to be heavily
built, so as not to fall apart on the atrocious roads. Under normal
circumstances, stagecoaches jounced along, slowing the pace for hills,
streams, and mud. Alice M. Earle describes a man's typical winter jour-
ney in Stage Coach and Tavern Days :
It took seventeen hours to travel the sixty-six miles,
and the coach stopped at ten taverns on the way. At each
... passengers all got out and took a mint julep; perhaps
he did likewise, which might account for the fact that he
pronounced the trip a pleasant one, though it rained;
'your feet get wet; your clothes become plastered with
mud from the wheel; the trunks drink in half a gallon of
water apiece; the gentlemen's boots and coats steamed in
the confined air; the horses are draggled and chafed by
the traces; the driver got his neckcloth saturated' —
and yet, he adds, 'the journey was performed pleasantly .' J
Buckingham told a story of passengers outside Montgomery, Alabama, who
were stranded when their stage broke down in the night and they had to
stumble through the dark to town.^
Accidents were not unlikely, considering the habits of some of the
drivers. Earle quotes this passage:
' To the Public : The stage from New York to Albany was
overset on the Highlands, on Friday last, with six passen-
gers on board; one of them, a gentleman from Vermont, had
his collar-bone broken, and the others were more or less
injured, and all placed in the utmost jeopardy of their
lives and limbs by the outrageous conduct of the driver.
In descending a hill half a mile in length, an opposition
stage being ahead, the driver put his horses in full
speed to pass the forward stage, and in this situation
the stage overset with a heavy crash which nearly des-
troyed it, and placed the wounded passengers in a dread-
ful dilemma, especially as the driver could not assist
them, as it required all his efforts to restrain the
frightened horses from dashing down the hill which must
have destroyed them all. It was, therefore, with the
greatest difficulty, and by repeated efforts, [that]
the wounded passengers extricated themselves from the
wreck of the stage. Such repeated wanton and wilful
[sic] acts of drivers to gratify their caprice, ambi-
tion, or passions, generally under the stimulus of
ardent spirits, calls aloud on the community to expose
and punish these shameful aggressions.'
One particularly sado-masochistic aspect of stagecoach travel was
what Earle called the almost universal practice of pre-dawn departures,
"You had to rise in the dark, dress in the dark most feebly illumined,
eat a hurriedly prepared breakfast in the dark, and start out in the
blackness of night or the depressing chill of early morning." On one
journey, "the way was very dark," said a traveler, "so that though I
rode with the driver, it was some time before I discovered that we had
six horses . "
The drivers themselves were a rugged, and all too often drunken,
lot. Buckingham despised the Southern drivers, writing:
The drivers on this road were very inferior to those of
the Northern States in deportment and language; they were
often insolent, always unaccommodating, and frequently most
profligate in their oaths; while having no fee to expect
from the passengers, they appeared to me to be studiously
disrespectful, as if they sought that mode of displaying
their independence. We sometimes hoped to get a better, by
their frequent change, as each driver went only the one
stage with his team, usually from ten to twelve miles, but
there was a great uniformity in their worthlessness . 35
Traveler's Rest benefited from the fact that the northeast Georgia
area became well-noted for its great scenic beauty, and by the third
decade of the 19th Century, Habersham County was a considerable tourist
attraction. The sites of Nacoochee Valley, Mount Currahee , Tallulah
Falls and Toccoa Falls were especially popular. Adiel Sherwood, in his
1827 Gazetteer, commented:
The thick woods [at Tallulah], which stand on the preci-
pice, and send their sombre shadows over the stream gives
it a gloomy appearance, and strikes the beholder with awful
feelings .... [Each year] it attracts thousands.
Of Toccoa Falls, he wrote:
[Toccoa Creek] is 20 feet wide, coming S. on one of the
Southern extremities of the Allegheny Mountains, winding
its way among the rocks, & without giving you a moments
[sic] warning, all at once tumbles down a perpendicular
rock 186-1/2 feet! The quantum of water is so small, that
it chiefly becomes spray before it reaches the unfathoma-
ble basin below. Five miles from this it finds its way
into the Tugalo near the head of boat navigation on that
river.... Parties of pleasure from the Madison Springs,
frequently visit this cascade, taking the Curahee in their
way, thence climbing the hills to catch a view of the
awful Ter^ora [Tallulah]. The fatigue undergone in this
jaunt is of great service to some invalids, who stand in
greater need of profuse perspiration and vigorous exercise
than the prescriptions from the shop. The party may not
expect to find sumptuous fare after they leave the Toccoa
Falls; but they may rest assured that there is something
either in the mountain air which they inhale, or in the
peculiar construction of the roads or the direction they
run, which will produce a relish for even the coarsest
This mid-1820s description of "the Grand Tour" of northeast Georgia con-
veys the impression that Devereaux Jarrett's lavish hospitality did not
yet grace the stand at Walton's Ford, still deeded to James R. Wyly in
If we imagine ourselves as tourists of the United States in the
1830s, already having encountered some of the horrors discussed above,
let us now join Featherstonhaugh and the Buckinghams as they arrived at
Traveler's Rest. Through their descriptions we can obtain a clear idea
of their general pleasure at the people, premises, and fare at Jarrett's
Featherstonhaugh came to the Tugaloo by way of Clarkesville , the
day after his adventure with the depressed landlord. First paying a
visit to Toccoa Falls, which he called "one of the prettiest things I
ever saw," the Englishman then reboarded the stage:
We now proceeded for eight miles at a rapid pace down
the steep southern slope of the mountains, through beauti-
ful woods and dales, to Jarrett's, on the Tugaloo, a main
branch of the Savannah. Here I got an excellent breakfast
of coffee, ham, chicken, good bread, butter, honey, and
plenty of good new milk for a quarter of a dollar. The
landlord cultivated an extensive farm, and there was a
fine bottom of good land near the house; he was a quiet,
intelligent, well-behaved man, a great admirer of Mr.
C [Calhoun], and seemed anxious to do what was oblig-
ing and proper, more from good feeling than for the poor
return he chose to take for his good fare. [Perhaps Jar-
rett's attitude helps to account for his failure to adver-
tise. He may have considered himself a prosperous farmer
first and inn-keeper second. In census schedules, he always
referred to himself as a farmer.] What a charming country
this would be to travel in, if one was sure of meeting
with such clean nice quarters once a-day! The traveller
does sometimes, but unfortunately they stand nearly in the
same proportion to the dirtv ones that the known planets
do to the fixed stars. The driver of this stage coach was
a very odd fellow, sometimes amusing, though upon the
whole a great bore, full of conceit of himself, practising
[sic] the most uncouth familiarity, and eternally making
long speeches. When I refused to listen to him he talked
to himself just with the same earnestness that he did to
me. On going down the steepest hills, he drove so furi-
ously as to make it almost impossible for me to sit in
the coach, talking to himself all the time, and when at
the bottom he would turn round and address me after the
following manner: — 'I say, stranger, do you see that
are house? Last time I passed I bought a most splendid
water million (they all pronounce melon thus) there for
seven-pence, but it warn't ripe, that was the worst on
it, and I had to throw it away jist a bit a-head here.
Do you like water millions, stranger? There's a power of
them in this country, it beats all. You beat all the
chaps that goes this road for fixing the stones with your
hammer. Do you find any thing you can sell in them?
There ain't no gold on this side the mountains, that's
what they say, I don't know much about it. I come from
the low country in North Carolina. I han't much learning
though I was two quarters at school. I was a schoolmas-
ter though one winter in Buncombe up in the mountains ,
but it aint no go that; I like stage driving better, if
they didn't give me sich horses on this line; this unac-
kawntabul [unaccountable] sorrel won't back a bit going
down hill, and the grey kicks like h_ll when he is going
up , its next to onpossible to git along; but you'll have
a splendid driver next stage, a reel splendid fellow that
will take you twenty-nine miles to Picken's Court-house;
and if I don't give it to this blasted grey when we go
back and make him toe the mark, I'm no account.' This
was the sort of farrago I had to listen to without a pos-
sibility of avoiding it.
Upon leaving Jarrett's, Featherstonhaugh found "the country extremely
wild, only here and there a settler, and abundance of small streams com-
ing down from the mountains." Featherstonhaugh enjoyed his time at Jar-
rett's so much that when he came back through the area to see Tallulah
Falls, he arranged to stay at Traveler's Rest again. ^'
While traveling through the southern part of Georgia, three years
after Featherstonhaugh, the Buckinghams were told of the great beauty
of the remote northern part of the state: "The roads are as yet so
imperfect, and the houses of accommodations so few, that the district is
rarely visited by mere tourists."™ [Here, Buckingham contradicts the
information in Sherwood's Gazetteer, which states that "thousands" of
sightseers visited the area.] The Buckinghams resolved to pay a visit
to north Georgia, and Buckingham wrote at length concerning the journey
from Athens through the Tugaloo area, concluding with the following des-
cription of the family's stay at Traveler's Rest:
Leaving Tukoa [Toccoa Falls], we proceeded by an excellent
road — which seemed, indeed, by contrast with the one we had
just passed over, to be perfection — and after a smooth and
luxurious drive of eight miles, we arrived before sunset at a
large farm-house and inn united, kept by a Mr. Jerritt [sic]:
the directions by which we were enabled to distinguish it
from other houses in the neighbourhood was this — that twas
'the only house with glass windows in it on the road.' While
our luggage was unloading from the carriage, one of the white
men assisting in this labour could not comprehend what our
leather hat-boxes were; and when, in answer to his inquiry,
he was told they contained hats, he asked whether we were
carrying them about for sale, as he could not comprehend why
a person should take with him any more than the hat he wore
on his head. When he learnt, however, that my son and myself
used cloth caps for travelling, and kept our hats in these
two boxes to wear when we halted, he expressed himself sur-
prised at such a piece of folly and extravagance as that of
having more than one covering for the heat at a time!...
Here, as in many other places of the interior, a great
desire was manifested to examine the various articles of
our dress, but especially those of Mrs. Buckingham. The
ladies were constantly desirous of getting permission to
take patterns of her gowns and caps, which was granted
whenever our stay would admit of it, and always highly
valued. The lady here, however, was astonished to find
that they were not made in New York, but in London, for
she had supposed that they were the latest New York modes;
and said she had always understood that the French and
English ladies invariably sent to New York for the fash-
ions, and had their dresses made up in London and Paris,
from the patterns sent there from the United States!
On retiring to rest, we were put into a large room
with four beds, but fortunately we had no companions to
share the room with us. When passengers on this road
are more numerous, it is quite common to have all the
beds occupied at the same time in the same apartment.
This is a custom of the country, which is very ill
associated with the excessive prudishness and affectation
of its inhabitants, in avoiding all ambiguous expressions.
There were no drawers or trunks for clothes; so that the
garments of all the family were ranged around the room,
hanging on wooden pegs, to the number of forty or fifty
different articles of dress, including gowns, petticoats,
and inner garments, of all sizes and materials, exposed
to public view. The beds, as usual, were of three kinds;
one of the softest down, another of cotton, and another
of straw: the former being usually preferred by the peo-
ple of this country, but the latter by strangers, as
more nearly resembling moss or hair, which is too expen-
sive to be found in any but the very best houses.
At daylight we were awakened by the sound of a common
horn, with which it is the custom in the country dis-
tricts to summon everybody to rise, instead of ringing a
large bell, which is the custom in the towns; and as we
did not intend to leave till nine o'clock, I took a walk
around the farm, and conversed with the farmers before
We left our station at nine o'clock, on the morning of
July 13th, and after less than a quarter of a mile, we
crossed the Tugaloo river by a wooden bridge. We thus
passed from the State of Georgia into that of South Caro-
lina, the river being the dividing boundary between the
Even by the time the Buckinghams visited Traveler's Rest in 1839,
stagecoach lines elsewhere had begun to face serious competition from
the railroad. One sensible wag pointed out: "You got upset in a coach
— and there you were! You get upset in a rail car — and, damme [sic],
where are you?" Despite this warning, however, the railroad was suc-
cessful, and its acceptance signaled the demise of stagecoaches and
stagecoach taverns. A "transportation revolution" occurred in the 25
years prior to the War Between the States, and historians agree that the
"technological changes ... rendered the wayside inn obsolete." Trains
were much faster than coaches, but the change was more than one of
speed: railroad cars, it was felt, were much more suited for all-night
travel. "The displacement of inns was abrupt. The opening of a rail-
road line could take most of the freight wagons, stages, and private
vehicles off of a given road almost overnight."
Little is known about: the fading of Traveler's Rest as an inn. The
surviving ledgers cover the store business, and almost no passages deal
with the hotel. Consequently, figures on the numbers of guests are
lacking for almost every period. Evidently the stagecoach inn was
still thriving sufficiently to be the first stopping-place on the sump-
tuous honeymoon of Joseph E. Brown and Elizabeth Grisham in July of
1847, however. No description of their wedding-night stay at Travel-
er's Rest survives, but the blissful couple definitely spent a night
there enroute in buggy from West Union, South Carolina, to Tallulah
Falls and Clarkesville . -*-
Perhaps the hotel had already begun to fade in the 1850s, when it
was taken over by Charles Kennedy Jarrett, who may have preferred to
be a planter like his older brothers rather than an innkeeper, but
there is no way to ascertain this. Then and afterwards, the prostrate
Southern economy must have been reflected in the tavern's business, how-
ever, and Traveler's Rest may have been defunct as an inn by the time
the Atlanta and Richmond Air Line Railroad was completed (giving birth
to Toccoa) in 1873. Yoder quotes a poem on the demise of the stage-
So ... a day came at last when the stage had no load
To the gate, as it rolled up the long, dusty road.
And lo! at the sunrise a shrill whistle blew
O'er the hills — and the old yielded place to the new —
And a merciless age with its discord and din
Made a wreck, as it passed, of the pioneer inn. ^
Chapter 6: Taverns, Travel, and Traveler ' s Rest
1 Lane, Rambler in Georgia , p. x; George W. Featherstonhaugh, A Canoe
Voyage Up the Minnay-Sotor (St- Paul: Minnesota Historical Society,
^ All quotes from Paton Yoder , Taverns and Travelers : Inn s of the Early
Midwest (Bloomington, Ind. : Indiana University Press, 1969), pp. 2,
3 Ibid., p. 2.
4 Ibid. , p. 9.
5 James Silk Buckingham, The Slave St ates of Ame r ica (London: Fisher,
Son & Co., 1842), Vol. II, p. 195.
"Taverns" file, Historic Preservation Section, Georgia Department of
7 Buckingham, Slave States , Vol. I, p. 189.
Yoder, Taverns and Travelers , p. 140.
9 Ibid., p. 148.
10 Ibid., pp. 153-54.
11 Ibid . , pp. l c 5-56; Buckingham, Slave States, Vol. II, pp. 128-29.
1 Buckingham, Slave States , Vol. II, pp. 46-47, 129.
Taverns and Travelers,
15 Ibid. ,
19 [bid. ,
20 "Taverns" file, Historic Preservation Section, p. 2.
LL Featherstonhaugh, A Ca_noe Voyage , Vol. II, pp. 196-97.
22 Ibid . , p. 226.
Rouse, Great Wagon Road , p. 98.
2^ Featherstonhaugh, A Canoe Voyage , Vol. II, pp. 261-62.
Yoder, Taverns and Travelers , p. 32.
26 Ibid., pp. 35-36.
27 Ibid.-* P- 3 5.
Devereaux Jarrett as justice of the peace, Stephens County History ;
Franklin County Deeds , p. 341; and Featherstonhaugh, A Canoe Voyage ,
Vol. II, p. 266.
Yoder, Taverns and Travelers , p. 55; Pendleton, S.C., Weekly Messen-
ger , March 19, 1823.
Ibid., p. 54; Buckingham, Slave States , p. 162.
Yoder, Taverns and Travelers , pp. 165-71.
32 Thomas R.R. Cobb, A Digest of the Statute Laws of the State of Geor -
gia (Athens, Ga. : Christy, Kelsea, and Burke, 1851), pp. 1037-38;
Alice Morse Earle, Stage Coach and Tavern Days (New York: Dover Pub-
lications, Inc., 1900; reprinted 1969), pp. 364-65.
33 Buckingham, Slave States , Vol. I, p. 261.
3 ^ Earle, Stage Coach and Tavern Days , pp. 369-71.
3 ^ Buckingham, Slave States, Vol. I, p. 234.
3 " Adiel Sherwood, A Gazetteer of the State of Georgia (Athens, Ga . :
University of Georgia Press, 1939 ), pp. 105-06.
37 Featherstonhaugh, A Canoe Voyage , Vol. II, pp. 264-66, 306-07;
38 Buckingham, Slave States , Vol. I , pp . 219-20.
39 Ibid. , pp. 162-66.
Earle, Stage C oach and Tavern Days , p. 287; Yoder, Taverns and Trav-
elers , pp. 174-76; Trogdon, Stephens County History , p. 77.
Zfl Dorothy Cable, "Oconee Wedding in 1847 Recalled," Traveler's Rest
Papers, Historic Preservation Section.
Yoder, Taverns and Travelers , p. 178.
DEVEREAUX JARRETT'S LITTLE EMPIRE
In addition to his stagecoach inn, Devereaux Jarrett operated sev-
eral other enterprises. First and foremost, he was master of a large,
slave-worked farm; he also maintained a toll bridge, country store, post
office, cash-lending business, cotton gin, blacksmithy, tanyard, grist-
mill and sawmill, and at least one gold mine [see Map 12].
Both Buckingham and Featherstonhaugh refer to Jarrett as a farmer.
While Featherstonhaugh mentions "an extensive farm ... a fine bottom of
good land near the house," Buckingham gives the impression of a conglom-
eration of farms growing wheat, oats, and maize, but little cotton.
Ledgers support the hypothesis that much of Jarrett 's vast acreage was
cultivated by tenant farmers. Other records broaden our impression of
Jarrett 's prosperous farm. When Buckingham took a morning stroll at
Jarrett' s place, he reported the following information from his conver-
sations with the farmers in 1839:
The climate of this elevated region not being suffici-
ently warm for the cultivation of cotton, the soil is
devoted to the growth of wheat, oats, and maize, or Indian
corn. The former is said to have yielded a larger harvest
in the present year, than in any preceding one within the
memory of man; arising from the fact, that the high prices
of wheat in the last year, induced the farmers to turn
every acre of land to the growth of this. The fluctuation
in price, in consequence of this increased quantity, was
supposed to be as much as from two dollars, or eight shill-
ings a bushel, the price it bore last year — down to fifty
cents, or two shillings a bushel, which it was expected to
be this year, when the harvest, now nearly completed,
should be fully gathered in. One of the farmers, who was
upwards of sixty-five years of age, told me that he had
- 139 -
made up his mind to emigrate next year, to the valley of
the Mississippi: and when I asked him what could induce
him, now so far advanced in life, and with a large family,
to move so far from his home, he replied, that there was
too much aristocracy here for him! I asked him who or what
constituted the aristocracy of which he spoke. He said
they were the rich men of these parts, who bought up all
the land at extravagant prices, and left none for the
poorer citizens to purchase [as did Devereaux Jarrett?],
the prices which he deemed so extravagant being from ten
dollars an acre for the freehold property. I asked him
whether he could not rent land from these proprietors,
and live by farming in this way. He said, yes; but added,
that the rent demanded was extravagant also, amounting to
ten barrels of corn for a small farm of twenty acres;
which, in sterling money would be about one dollar per
acre for annual rent, without tithes or other imposts, and
no expense of manure or draining. I asked him what he
would think of paying ten dollars an acre rent, and a
tenth of all the produce of the farm besides, which was
the rate paid by many English farmers. He replied that
'no land in the world could stand such a rent;' and he
evidently doubted the fact of its ever being paid. Among
the peculiar expressions used here, travelling rapidly is
called 'moving peert;' and to provide a family with food,
or to feed them is expressed thus — 'He always grows
enough to bread his own people for a year at least, and
sells the balance.' The white men looked healthy, but
were all slender, and the growing youths of both sexes
were peculiarly tall and thin, with long features, light
hair, and wholly without the fine ruddy complexions of
the English peasantry. ^
Throughout his life, Devereaux Jarrett accumulated acreage, and the
U.S. Census 1850 Agricultural Schedule lists him with 14,400 acres
(1,000 "improved"), not all of which was at Traveler's Rest. Two of his
sons, Robert and Thomas Pat ton, are shown in the census as owning 900
acres each. Jarrett land included acreage on Toccoa, Walton's, and
Ward's creeks, as well as acreage at Dry Pond, the present site of Toc-
coa. For a brief period in the 1830s, Devereaux also owned Toccoa
The agricultural schedules also provide other information concern-
ing the farms. Devereaux owned livestock — horses, mules, "milch"
cows, oxen, cattle, sheep, and hogs — valued at $1,865. Robert's stock
was worth $1,120, and Thomas Patton's was worth $750. The farms pro-
duced butter, hay, peas and beans, cotton, plentiful corn, oats, wheat,
potatoes, and some rye and honey. All three farms produced between 40
and 80 pounds of wool each, and Devereaux's farm also listed $500 in
Most of the work at the farms was done undoubtedly by the Jarretts'
many slaves. Even before he owned land, young Devereaux possessed from
10 to 17 slaves, and in 1820, he owned 21 slaves. (By comparison James
R. Wyly, previous owner of Traveler's Rest, owned four slaves.) By 1830,
Jarrett had 45 slaves, and 10 years later, he owned 74 in Habersham
County, including four persons "engaged in mining.'
In the early 19th Century, the Tugaloo area continued to be one
with relatively few slaves. Devereaux Jarrett was by far the greatest
slave-owner of Habersham County, where there were only 954 slaves in
1840 and 1,218 in 1850. The 1850 Slave Census reveals that Robert Jar-
rett possessed 24 slaves; Thomas Patton Jarrett had 27; and Devereaux
Jarrett 's 68 remained an extremely high total for the region. One might
well wonder what use he had for so many slaves, for his was not a cotton
plantation. Some certainly worked at the house, the smithy, the tanyard,
and the mills. Most must have been field hands, but several women were
no doubt utilized in weaving. Jarrett found it quite profitable to use
his good farm land for maximum food production. A great many of the cot-
ton plantations in southern Georgia were not self-sufficient, and these
provided a ready market for as much bacon, beef, ham, wheat, corn, oats,
and other goods as the farm at Traveler's Rest could produce.
Almost nothing is known concerning the lives of these slaves. Family
legends give the impression that they were well-treated, and certainly
this is in accord with what is known of Jarrett's character. It is
probable that his slaves received the simple fare mentioned in Basil
Hall's account of life on a Georgia cotton plantation in 1828:
The stated allowance of food to every slave, over four-
teen years of age, is nine quarts of Indian corn per week,
and for children from five to eight quarts. This is said
to be more than they can eat, and the surplus is either
sold, or is given to the hogs and poultry which they are
always allowed to rear on their own account. A quarter of
salt monthly is also allowed, and salt fish, as well as
salt beef occasionally, but only as a flavour, and can
never be claimed as a right. A heaped-up bushel of sweet
potatoes is considered equal to the above allowance, and
so are two pecks of rough, that is unhusked, rice or paddy.
But this is not thought so substantial a food as the Indian
corn. . . .
The slaves are generally dressed in what is called White
Welsh plains, for winter clothing. They prefer white
cloth, and afterwards dye it of a purple colour to suit
their own fancy. Each man gets seven yards of this, and
the women six yards, — and the children in proportion.
Each grown-up negro gets a new blanket every second year,
and every two children in like manner one blanket. The men
receive also a cap, and the women a handkerchief, together
with a strong pair of shoes, every winter. A suit of home-
spun cotton, of the stuff called Osnaburgs, is allowed to
each person for summer dress.'
A more vivid picture of the slave's costume can be found in an 1810
Miller's Weekly Messenger , which describes Anthony, a "remarkably heavy
made" runaway, as wearing
... a pair of coperas coloured, striped pantaloons, a mixed
blue, red, and white homespun jacket, a blue and white hunt-
ing shirt, a large hat with a high crown ... will attempt to
pass for a freeman. ?
It is not known whether Jarrett worked his hands on the "task" sys-
tem, in which each slave was allotted a daily assignment; or the "gang"
system, in which a team of slaves worked all day with no necessarily
predetermined stopping place; or some variation of these- The slaves
usually preferred the "task" system, because after the completion of the
day's chores, their time was "their own," to relax or work in their pri-
vate gardens. The "gang" method was used on most tobacco, cotton, and
sugar plantations. Since Jarrett did not concentrate on these crops, it
appears likely that his slaves were worked on the "task" system. Legend
has it that he addressed "his people" from the second-story porch each
morning, assigning the day's duties." According to Flanders' Plantation
Slavery in Georgia , "It was the universal custom in Georgia to allow the
slaves the privilege of raising small crops of their own," which could be
sold for cash or traded for store goods. It was also possible for the
slaves to raise poultry for food and sale. The Jarretts quite likely
allowed their slaves some private enterprise, for 1850s ledgers show C.K.
Jarrett's slaves buying goods at the store. 9
The slaves lived in cabins; apparently some of them were just across
the river from Jarrett's bridge. Wise masters made these slave quarters
as comfortable as simple cabins could be, and in north Georgia, the slaves'
good health required that their cabins have some kind of floor. Experts
advised the slave-owners: "The popular idea that the cheapest style of
Negro houses is the cheapest in reality is fallacious.... Small, smokey
cabins, built flat upon the ground, with no windows or aperture for ven-
tilation, is the style that is too common. "10 Although it is not known
exactly what the slave cabins at Traveler's Rest were like, it is true
that their hypothetical location was a good one, on high ground. No
doubt, furniture in the slave cabins was "scant and simple," homemade.
For amusement, slaves were allowed to participate in Jarrett family
holidays, feasting, dancing, and so forth. Some masters encouraged the
slaves to take a festive approach to projects such as log-rolling and
corn-shucking, and marriages were also an "occasion of great frolic."
Religion was another distraction available to the slaves, and the Jar-
rett blacks participated in services at the Providence Methodist
As a slave-owner of such caliber, Jarrett must have approved of the
traditional system. Being a Methodist, he probably supported the South-
ern Methodists' withdrawal from the national Methodist organization in
1844, over the slavery issue. If asked, Jarrett might well have agreed
with his political idol and South Carolinian neighbor, John C. Calhoun,
who wrote in 1837: "I hold slavery to be a good ... moreover, there
never has existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion
of the community did not in point of fact live on the labor of the
other. "I 2
Buckingham noted that the average farmer of the area, once having
acquired a few slaves, turned the work over to them and became exceed-
ingly lazy. This may have been true of the neighborhood in general, but
it is probably not true of the ante-bellum Jarretts.13
Buckingham also reported the presence of a silk-producing operation
at Traveler's Rest. The English traveler was amused by a Jarrett boarder
who produced expensive silk with worms and Chinese Mulberry trees at Jar-
rett 's farm. This unnamed woman gave the Buckinghams
... a narrative of her success in raising the silkworm on
the leaves of the morus multicaulis , of which she had sev-
eral plants in her garden; and having purchased a quart of
the eggs of the silkworm, she hoped to produce, from these,
a million of workers, by whose labour she would be soon
made rich. She showed us some of the cocoons, the silk
thread she had spun from her wheel, and though coarse, was
strong and even in texture. She added, that she could find
a ready sale for as much as she could weave of this, at
five dollars, or twenty shillings a yard, while English
and French silks could be had for half the price. When
asked the grounds of this extravagant expectation, she said
that the people of South Carolina were all for living on
their own resources, and having no dependence on other
countries; they, therefore, readily paid double prices for
silks grown and manufactured at home, because it shut out
the foreign trader, and kept all the money in the country!
I could not, of course, dispute the fact about the relative
rates, though I ventured to doubt the accuracy of her sup-
position as to the willingness of the Carolinians to pay
such high prices from pure patriotism. 14
Buckingham had already been surprised to discover a silk mania of
considerable proportions sweeping Georgia, and he wrote that "the recent
introduction of morus multicaulis , with its wonderful powers of re-pro-
duction and multiplication, has, however, given an entirely new stimulus
to this subject." In Macon, he found being circulated two publications
concerned with the subject of silk, and Chinese mulberry cuttings were
apparently much in demand. The Macon newspapers were full of passages
on silk, denying that zeal for silk was a "mania." So prolific was
morus , the paper confidently predicted, that within 10 years the South-
ern states would rival China for the silk market of the world. "Great
efforts" were being made to "determine . . . how far the cultivation may
be carried on to the general advantage." Premiums were being offered bv
the American Silk Society for the best and greatest quality and quantity
of silk. [See Note #15. ]
The furor that Buckingham observed in Georgia, however, was merely
a manifestation of a "strange frenzy" for silk that swept the entire
nation in the 1830s. William Leggett and L.P. Brockett, historians of
silk in America, recounted the story of a wave of "unbridled specula-
tion" indulged in by Americans after the introduction of morus multicau -
lis , a Chinese mulberry tree which "grew so rapidly" that it could pro-
duce silkworm feeding leaves in just three months. In the 1830s, the
United States was frequently caught up in speculative paroxysms, as
ambitious citizens grasped for the fortunes that a rapidly expanding
national economy rendered available. The onset of the Industrial Revol-
ution made just about any economic development seem possible, including
a massive burgeoning of the silk industry. In 1826, morus multicaulis
was imported to America from France, coming into the possession of a
Gideon B. Smith of Baltimore. The Chinese mulberry grew so much faster
than morus alba , the white mulberry, that hopes were soon aroused for
widespread silk production in the United States.
Pamphlets were circulated, claiming that morus multicaulus could
nourish two crops of silkworms a year, and state governments were soon
persuaded to offer bounties for silk production. In 1832, a New York
capitalist named Samuel Whitmarsh started a silk factory at Florence,
Massachusetts, and began cultivation of considerable numbers of Chinese
mulberries. Daniel Webster and Henry Clay, leading national politi-
cians, were presented with fine vests, and expressed great hopes for
American silk. Unfortunately, the supply of raw silk produced by
Marsh's worms was "always deficient for the factory," and by 1838 the
project had collapsed, leaving the incipient industrialist with an over-
plentiful supply of mulberry trees. Despite this setback, however,
Whitmarsh had outrun "all his compeers in enthusiasm concerning silk
culture and manufacture," and apparently he believed there was no turn-
ing back. When he encountered difficulty selling his trees, he publi-
cally offered to buy back some he had already sold, at higher prices,
hinting that he expected prices to escalate dramatically and soon.
Somehow this stratagem touched off the nationwide wave of speculation
encountered by Buckingham in Georgia in the summer of 1839.
Mulberry sprouts, which had sold for $3 to $5 per hundred in 1834
and 1835, rose in price to $25, $50, $100, and even $500 per hundred in
1839. Whitmarsh promoted American silk as the solution to the national
depression of 1837 (caused by just this sort of rampant speculation).
Imaginative people began to envision American farmers and their families
cultivating silk until it became as cheap and common as cotton. "Every
state caught the infection," overlooking the North American contenent's
bad production record for silk. A great many people became enthusiasti-
cally involved, as did the woman Buckingham met at Traveler's Rest, with-
out any expertise for producing silk.
In Georgia, the mania caused people to entertain hopes that silk
production would "bring into utility [Georgia's] exhausted soils and
greatly increase the wealth and capital of our state." But the specula-
tive bubble burst in the fall of 1839. Inexpert cultivators could not
produce high quantities of silk in North America, and thousands who
tried were "ruined." This fiasco was not quite the "final blow" to the
silk industry in Georgia, but silk production was never again attempted
on such a large scale. ~*
The Jarrett ledger books made it clear that Devereaux Jarrett had
operated a blacksmithy somewhere near his home for decades. Entries for
horses shod and farm equipment repaired appear in most of the ledgers
after 1806. At Jarrett' s smithy, prices did not vary greatly over the
years. In the 1830s, local farmers could get horses shod for 50c to
$1.25. A belt buckle could be purchased for 12-l/2c. Twenty years
later, the same services could be obtained at the same rates.
The 18j()s Ledgers appear on scattered sheets in various places, but
most are in the back of the book which begins in 1818. A perusal of
these ledgers reveals that the Jarrett store had not changed greatly in
prices or stock in 30 years. The major changes for earlier stores were
a vast increase in tobacco sales, a smaller increase in the sale of food
and grain, and a great decline in the sale of yardgoods. As yet, little
soap was being sold, for most of Jarrett' s neighbors continued to make
their own. 1 '
Entries concerning other of Jarrett's enterprises also appear in
the ledgers, such as the blacksmithy accounts, and the entries contain
occasional, mysterious clues about the Jarrett business operations, as
well. Some of the customers paid by working for Jarrett; a handful of men
appear to have worked for periods of several months, but most performed
more limited tasks. Among the jobs mentioned were: on the bridge (1834
and 1836), on the cupboard, at the sawmill, mending the steeple, making
42 pairs of shoes, selling plank, "mending house & pinting [sic] chimney
and firepases [sic]," working on the barn, working on the mountain, or
payment by schooling. "
Dates on some loose ledger pages range from 1842 to 1856, but these
are disorganized. Several kinds of accounts appear, some pages contain-
ing regular country-store items interspersed with occasional sales of
considerable yards of osnaburgs (cloth used in the making of garments for
slaves) to the "Pendleton Factory." For a large number of pages, the
names of Devereaux Jarrett, William Hackett, William Gray, and Martial
"Woolbanks" appear, as if they were taking turns minding the store.
More mysteries and clues included in the ledgers are lists of hogs'
weights, references to Joseph Prather's sawmill (1855), and a couple of
pages of the "House Bill," which include some rare clues about guests
and prices at the time. These are apparently from Charles Kennedy Jai -
rett's inn of the mid-1850s , so it is known that the inn lasted at least
until that time. Other entries in the ledgers include some "Hackett &
Jarrett" pages from the early 1840s which list "Franklin notes, Haber-
sham notes, and South Carolina notes" of those who owed money to the
All the ledgers are most useful for showing the continuity of Jar-
rett's store and the types of items sold there. Occasional references
indicate that Jarrett operated a cotton gin, sawmill, and a gristmill,
and deeds reveal that these were located on Ward's Creek. Unfortun-
ately, however, no clues have been discovered which would indicate the
origins, or the waxings and wanings of these ventures. In the 1830s,
Jarrett was also quite likely still connected with a tanyard, his part-
ner in this enterprise being William Gray, who appears in the 1840 cen-
sus as a tanner. The accounts for the tanyard of the 1840s and 1830s
are lost, but the yard is occasionally mentioned in other ledgers. 1
Another enterprise of which we have few clues is Devereaux Jar-
rett 's cash-lending transactions. Mary Elizabeth Jarrett White referred
to her grandfather as "the greatest financier in Georgia history," but
she was undoubtedly indulging in her habit of elaboration. The ledger
entries do show scores of small cash loans, occasional lists of accounts-
outstanding, but most of these were for a few cents or dollars. Nonethe-
less, Jarrett must have derived some profit from them, as he continued
loaning money for decades. ^
Before the construction of Jarrett' s covered bridge, travelers at
Walton's Ford crossed the Tugaloo by means of a ferry. Although the
Georgia Legislature was supposed to authorize all ferries and bridges,
the act licensing the ferry at the Tugaloo crossroads has not been dis-
covered. The earliest evidence of its existence is a loose page from an
1831 Ledger headed "Wily's Ferry." The operation of a ferry could date
as far back as the opening of the Unicoi turnpike, during ca. 1816, or
even earlier. In an 1818 issue of the Pendleton Messenger , William
Cleveland's ferry was advertised as having a new flat, "14 feet long and
between 9 and 10 feet wide." The ferry at Walton's Ford was probably
In 1834, the Georgia legislature authorized Devereaux Jarrett to
build a bridge "at or near the place now known as Willies Ferry." The
legal rates were:
50 ct. loaded wagon & driver
37-1/2 ct empty wagon
25c pleasure carriage
12-l/2c two wheel pleasure carriage
25c cart, team & driver
6-1/4 man & horse
2c herd of meat cattle
lC herd of hogs, sheep or goats
Jarrett 's license was "indefinitely" extended in 1843.
As an old man, Jarrett became postmaster for the Tugaloo area. The
first post office at Walton's Ford was created in 1817 on the South Caro-
lina side of the river. On February 2 of that year, Robert Stribling
was appointed postmaster, and in November of 1828, James R. Wyly was
named postmaster at Walton's Ford, Georgia, but his post was discontin-
ued in 1830. In 1833, South Carolina once again was the site of the
Walton's Ford office, with Allen Elston as postmaster, and Robert Ballew
succeeded him in 1835. Five years later, the post office name was
changed to Davis Ferry, South Carolina, with Young Davis serving as
postmaster. In 1842, it became Walton's Ford, South Carolina, once
more, and Harvey Davis was the new postmaster. Then, at the age of 59,
Devereaux Jarrett got his hands on the job, not to relinquish it during
his lifetime. He was named postmaster of Walton's Ford, Georgia, in
October of 1844, and the office was not moved again for over 20 years.
James S. Buckingham reported that most Southern post offices were
"very humble buildings," and he believed that far more than the country
needed had been established due to the fact that the position of post-
master was utilized for political patronage.
Since the days of General Jackson, it is well known
that the only qualification required for such appointment,
has been the advocacy of the politics of the ruling party;
there is thus an army of political postmasters arrayed on
the side of the Administration. The post-offices in the
country and districts here are like the old barbers' shops
in English villages a century ago — places for the idle
and the gossiping to assemble and discuss the news. To
add to the attractions of the post-offices here, many of
them are also ' conf ectionaries , ' at which liquors of all
kinds are freely sold; and the class of persons usually
assembled to hear the news on the arrival of the mail,
were among the most dirty, dissipated, and reckless in
their appearance . 25
There can be little doubt that Jarrett ' s appointment as postmaster was a
political "plum" of some sort, but his retention of it was probably not
dependent on any party-groveling. The early fluctuations of the post-
mastership do not appear to correspond to party-Presidential for tin
After Jarrett obtained the position, he held it during the sway of both
Another major portion of Devereaux Jarrett 's attention was devoted
to the pursuit of gold. Gold was discovered in northeastern Georgia Ln
the summer of 1829 in two locations — on Duke's Creek in the Nacoochee
Valley and near Dahlonega. The Nacoochee region had been ceded to Geor-
gia by the Cherokees in 1819, divided in a lottery in 1820; but the Dah-
lonega region was still in the hands of the Indians, and the State
rapidly became inflamed with enthusiasm to acquire the long-coveted
Cherokee lands. As E. Merton Coulter states it, "a stampede set in
which filled the diggings [mostly in Indian territory] with a wild and
lawless population." Governor George Gilmer combined the jobs of con-
trolling the gold-seekers and removing the Cherokees. In December of
1829, the Georgia legislature confiscated a large section of Cherokee
land promised to the state by the United States government in 1802, nul-
lified all Cherokee laws within the seized territory, prohibited further
actions of the Cherokee government within Georgia's boundaries, and pro-
vided for the arrest of any Cherokee who agitated against removal. The
Georgia laws also voided all contracts between Indians and whites, made
it illegal for an Indian to testify against a white, and forbade the
Cherokees to dig for gold or anything else on their land. The stage was
thus set for the removal of the Cherokees, although completion of the
usurpation took some eight years. ^°
Having dealt with the "savages," Gilmer and Georgia now turned
their attention to the "stampede " of gold-seekers, who proved difficult
to control. By the summer of 1830, between 4,000 and 5,000 of these
were "digging and searching for gold" in the Cherokee territory. Fight-
ing erupted among the treasure-hunters and the outraged Indians. Fed-
eral troops were sent in, but President Andrew Jackscn removed them at
Georgia's request. Gilmer ordered the intruders out of the territory,
but the Georgia Guard was required to "muscle" them out. Yelverton
King, an agent of Gilmer's, reported the following:
As I approached the territory I met a vast number of
persons citizens from different parts of this State
returning to their respective homes. So great was the
number of persons that I met, that I was led to believe I
should not find any persons at the mines, but in this I
was sadly disappointed — There were at Reubin Daniels
(the place where I put up) and in its vicinity together,
at least one thousand persons principally Tennesseeians
[sic] whose conduct (notwithstanding it was the Sabbath
day) beggars all description -- There was much excitement
prevailing, the troops had been engaged in burning their
houses and tents and destroying their tools and implements
for digging gold —
The anarchistic gold-diggers were driven out, and the Cherokees "res-
cued" by the slovenly, brutal Georgia Guard.
While the horde of gold-rushers was scrapping over the Cherokee
lands near Dahlonega, a more orderly scramble to acquire gold lands was
taking place at Nacoochee. There, Devereaux Jarrett must have been one
of the first into the field, choosing a likely place to mine, but he was
not the typical irresponsible gold seeker. In August of 1830, Jarrett
paid Joseph England $450 for the mining rights to Lot 38, Third Dis-
trict, Habersham County. Later that year, he bought this lot from
"David England of the Cherokee nation" for $1,000, the lot being identi-
fied as a "gold mine lot." Years earlier, Jarrett had acquired Lot 39,
formerly the property of Thomas Moore, from the Habersham County Super-
ior Court (In 182 5 for $301). These lots were both on the Unicoi Turn-
pike but for some unknown reason, Jarrett apparently chose not to hold
the valuable Lots for Long. In 1832, he negotiated to sell Lot 39,
which comprised 250 acres, to Joseph England for $800. Although
Drafted by L L Chester
Habersham County Gold Mines, Nacoochee, and Unicoi Turnpike, also showing
land Intc in nart nf TMctrirt ^ HflSprchsm rnnntv.
copies of early deeds show Jarrett's interest in Lot 38, these deeds
were never recorded [see Map 13].
Georgia prepared to survey the Cherokee land in 1831, whereupon it
was divided into 40- and 160-acre lots, to be distributed in a lottery
the following year. All "free, white" adult males in Georgia could reg-
ister for the lottery if they had not already received land in a previ-
ous lottery. Jarrett was quite active in buying the rights to peoples'
draws in the lottery. In 1834, Georgia allowed whites to prepare to
move onto their new lands, and the Cherokees were allowed two more
years to leave.
The Indians were fighting in the courts and winning some recogni-
tion of their rights. Unfortunately, they had a determined enemy in
President Jackson, who acted along with Georgia and a Cherokee minority
faction to remove the Indians and ignore the Supreme Court. Finally,
the Indians were rounded up in 1838 and herded down the "Trail of
Tears," to their unwanted, federally-Promised Land in what was to be
Jarrett chose his gold mine in 1837; for a bargain ($362), he
bought part of Lots 23 and 24 in the Third District, Habersham County,
from James R. Wyly, administrator for the Burnetts' estate. The other
owners were members of his wife's family, William and Fidelio Patton.
These were then known as the "Burnett Mines," but they came to be called
the "Jarrett Mines, "31 and it was from these that Jarrett's gold came
[see Map 13] .
Devereaux's interest in gold was the springboard for his relation-
ship with John C. Calhoun. His admiration for the South Carolina poli-
i an derived from their business and personal relationship.
Traveler's Rest was on Calhoun's route from his South Carolina home to
his mine near Dahlonega. From the Clemson and Calhoun papers, it is
known that Thomas Clemson, Calhoun's son-in-law and mine manager, bought
bacon for the mine workers from Jarrett. A January 6, 1843, letter from
Clemson to Calhoun states:
When T came by Mr. Jarrat's [sic] he made application
to me for a lease to work a Surface which he thinks will
pay & [some]where without direction. I told him that 1
would grant no lease on the surface or up land without
first consulting you which 1 promised him I would do &
give him your answer as soon as I heard from you on the
Calhoun refused to grant any leases, and in February, he replied to
Clemson 's query:
As to what you say in reference to Mr. Jarratt's [sic]
desire to lease to surface mine on the Obar [Calhoun's
mine], to which you refer, you may say to him that I have
concluded to decline giving any lease till I return.
This matter was not mentioned again.
Clemson and Calhoun also had a business relationship with Travel-
er's Rest former owner, James R. Wyly. Calhoun purchased the "Habersham
Tron Works" from him on July 9, 1842, in a deed mentioning a forge, fur-
nace, and mills. One of Wyly's sons was hired to manage the works,
apparently with unfortunate results. In January of 1843, Clemson wrote
to his f ather-in-law :
We placed Cen. Wylv at the Furnace (where he is to work
up all the pig or cast metal into bar iron) for the coming
year.... One of Wyly's own sons who we placed there to
protect our propertv turned to swindling & cheating us &
with us his own father. 32
Pages from ledger books, with faint writing, exist on microfilm at
the Historic Preservation office concerning a Jarrett gold mine in 1848-49
One page indicates, "commenced work for Jarrett and Smith on the 11th
Sept., 1848." The ledger was kept by Sorrow Shaw, who managed the mine
for Jarrett and Thomas Smith, Jarrett 's financial partner and a fellow
dweller by the Tugaloo. The entries state: "Sept. 12 7 hands made
7.06; Sept 13 7 hands made 3.11; Sept 14 7 hands made 6.07...," and so
forth. Some days, part of the crew would be absent, and usually, no work
was done in the rain. On September 19, the crew "raised houses."
Many entries in these ledgers are quite mysterious. For instance,
on "boys day," a frequent occurrence, the crew would work. The quanti-
ties represented by the daily figures are also difficult to decipher,
but they probably refer to the weight, in ounces, of gold mined. Tn
September, the mine produced 62.15 ounces; in October, 74.14; in Novem-
ber, 45.07; December, 59.00. Both Charles Kennedy Jarrett and Devereaux
Jarrett came to collect the "clean goald." The record recommenced in
February, and then carried through the summer of the following year.
Presumably, the mine was profitable into the 1850s, but the next records
of it come after Devereaux Jarrett 's death. J
Jarrett was 65 years of age in 1850. During the following year,
he decided to divide most of his property among his children, and this
was accomplished on November 23. To the oldest son, Thomas Patton Jar-
rett, he deeded about 800 acres in the area of Old Owl Swamp, this land
being located on Toccoa Creek and embracing the site of Old Tugaloo
Town, the latter now under Lake Hartwell. This was Devereaux Jarrett' s
first homestead in then-Franklin County, now known as the Turnbull Place.
Already about )8 years old, Thomas P. was probably established then-
ell before 1851, as he claimed his own farm of 900 acres in the 1850
Census. According to the November 23rd deed, the farm was on the river
and on the "ridge road." The deed also indicated 24 slaves, who are
named in it.
To Robert Jarrett, who was then 35 years of age, Devereaux gave 900
acres adjacent to Thomas' land, "lying on Tugalo River...." According
to the deed, the land had been originally granted to N.B. Hunter, Ben
Cleveland, and Blake Denman . To Robert went 26 slaves.
Charles Kennedy Jarrett, at age 31, received the largest plot of
land, his being over 4,000 acres at Traveler's Rest. The line proceeded
"with the meanders of the river to the Island, including the Bridge
across Tugalo River." Charles Kennedy received 17 slaves.
Sarah Ann Jarrett, 27 years old, received land originally granted
to Young, next to the Currahee place, and also "the place on which C.
Mills now lives," as well as three other lots of land adjoining this.
Tn addition, she was deeded one tract of 150 acres adjoining the Blair
place on Toccoa Creek and 14 slaves. '
On January 28, 1852, five more slaves were given to Charles Kennedy
Jarrett, and in an undated gift, Devereaux Jarrett bestowed three slaves
and his new carriage — with two horses, John and James — on his second
wife, Elizabeth. 38
Devereaux Jarrett died on February 9, 1852. His will disposed of
two slaves, $500, six horses, eight cows and calves, and two and one-
half tons of pork. He willed that all other property be sold, put
against his debts, and the remainder divided among his four children.
Chapter 7 : Devereaux Jarrett ' s L ittle Empire
Feathers tonhaugh, A Canoe Voyage , Vol. II, p. 264; Buckingham, Slave
States , Vol. II, p. 166.
2 Buckingham, Slave States , Vol. II, p. 166.
3 See Franklin and Habersham counties, Superior Court Deeds, 1814-1851;
on the site of Toccoa, see Traveler's Rest papers on microfilm, His-
toric Preservation Section, and Deed Book Q, p. 42; on Jarrett's own-
ership of Toccoa Falls, see Habersham County Deed Books F, p. 112,
and (^, p. 146.
^ U.S. Census 1850 Agricultural Schedules, Habersham County, p. 643.
^ U.S. Census 1820 Population Schedules, Habersham Countv , p. 114;
1830, pp. 19, 35; 1840, pp. 137, 155.
Ralph Flanders, Plantation Slavery in Georgia (Chapel Hill: Univer-
sity of North Carolina Press, 1933), pp. 76, 123; U.S. Slave Census
for 1850, Habersham County.
7 Captain Basil Hall, Travels in Nort h America, 1827 and 1828 (Phila-
delphia: Carey, Lea & Carey, 1929), Vol. II, pp. 232-33; Mi ller 's
W eekly Messenger , July 7, 1810.
8 Flanders, Plantation Slavery , p. 99.
" Ibid . ; Jarrett ledger books, Historic Preservation Section.
10 Flanders, Plantation Slavery , pp. 154-55.
11 Ibid . , p. 172; Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
1 2 Coulter, Georgia , A Short History , pp. 301-02; Flanders, Plantation
Slavery , p. 284.
1 3 Buckingham, Slave States , Vol. II, pp. 155-56.
14 Ibid., pp. 163-64. Perhaps this silk project was the derivation of
the mulberry trees east of the house.
^ 'bid. , Vol. I, pp. 205-06, for the sources of the paragraphs on Silly;
Allen D. Candler and Clement A. Evans (eds.), Cyclopedi a ol Ceorgia
(Atlanta: State Historical Association, L906) , Vol. Ill, p. 290; I,. P.
Brockett, The Silk Industry in America (New York: Ceorge K. Neshitt .^
Co., 1876), pp. 38-39, 54-55; William F. Leggett, The Story of Silk
(New York: Life-Time Editions, 1949), pp. 332-36.
Jarrett Ledger books, Historic Preservation Section.
[bid . , back of 1818 ledger books. The teacher was Burges Smith.
[bid . ; on the Pendleton Factory, see Beth Ann Klosky, The Pendleton
Legacy (Columbia, S.C.: Sandlapper Press, Inc., 1971), pp. 75-76, who
says that the factory was established in 1836 as a cotton mill.
Jarrett ledger books, Historic Preservation Section.
Ibid . ; Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
^-> Louise A. Vandiver, Traditions and History of Anderson County (Atlan-
ta: Ruralist Press, Publishers, 1929), p. 199. The page in the 1831
ledger book includes a typical list of food, clothing, and equipment,
raising some interesting questions: Did James R. Wyly have a store?
Or was the "Wyly's Ferry" heading merely an indication that Jarrett's
store was near the ferry? Perhaps Jarrett and Wyly were partners at
one time. We also have 1831 ledgers clearly pertaining to Jarrett's
store. On the bridge, see Georgia Laws , Acts of the General Assembly
of the State of Georgia , 1834 ( Milledgeville : P.L. & B.H. Robinson),
p. 126; 1_8A_3, pp. 64-65.
National Archives and Records Service, U.S. Post Office Records,
Appointment of Postmasters, Vol. 2, p. 174; Vol. 5, p. 207; Vol. 7,
p. 177; Vol. 10, October 12, 1833; December 11, 1835; July 23, 1840;
November 9, 1842; October 4, 1844; March 24, 1852 (Vol. 17).
Buckingham, Slave States , Vol. II, p. 234.
Coulter, Old Petersburg , p. 233; Woodward, Cherokees , p. 159.
Sherry Boatright, The John C_. Calhoun Gold Mine (Atlanta: Department
of Natural Resources, Historic Preservation Section, 1974), pp. 6-7;
on the Georgia Guard, see Woodward, Cherokees , p. 190; Featherston-
haugh, A Canoe Voyage , Vol. II, p. 251.
See Microfilm, Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section;
the Jarrett-England deeds were never recorded; on Moore, see Haber-
sham County Deed Book G, p. 151.
Coulter, A Short History , p. 233. For the outcome of Jarrett's many
purchases of mining rights to these lots, see microfilmed Traveler's
Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
Ibid. ; Boatright, Calhoun Gold M ine , pp. 7-9; Woodward, Cherokees , pp.
157-82; Traveler's Rest papers on microfilm, Historic Preservation
■**■ Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
32 Calhoun-Clemson papers at Clemson University; Calhoun to Clemson,
February 6, 1843; Clemson to Calhoun, January, 184 3. Wyly was a gen-
eral of the Habersham County militia. Traveler's Rest papers, His-
toric Preservation Section.
33 Traveler's Rest papers on microfilm, Historic Preservation Section.
34 Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section; Habersham
County Deed Book RR, p. 454.
35 Ibid . , p. 457.
36 Ibid- , P- 458.
37 Ibid . , p. 459.
38 Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section. After Sarah
Patton Jarrett died in 1842, Devereaux Jarrett married her sister,
3° Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Secti
JARRETT PLANTATIONS IN THE 1850s
The 1850s found Devereaux Jarrett's four children prospering at
adjacent plantations on the Tugaloo. Thomas Patton Jarrett married
Elizabeth Hackett in 1846, and they moved into her father's former resi-
dence, a 10-room log house on Toccoa Creek. His inherited slaves made
bricks and subsequently built another house for the family sometime in
the 1850s. Thomas set his mind to family and farming then, and was not
an executor of his father's estate, as were Robert and Charles Kennedy.
By 1860, Thomas (often known as "Patton") and Elizabeth had five
young children; their farm was worth $10,000, and their property,
$22,000, consisting mostly of slaves. The census for that year indi-
cates that Thomas grew 130 bushels of peas and beans, 3,500 bushels of
corn, 40 of oats, 140 of wheat, 40 of Irish potatoes, and 150 pounds of
tobacco. The farm also produced 135 gallons of molasses, three bales of
cotton, and 500 pounds of butter, and the family had four horses, four
mules, 15 milk cows, two oxen, 10 cattle, 70 hogs, and 10 sheep, from
which Thomas produced 10 pounds of wool. This plantation was operated
with the labor of 35 slaves.
When the brick house was completed, Thomas and his family moved
from the "10 room log cabin," dividing his father's old place into slave
quarters, and he also bought a fancy German-made piano with profits from
a gold-mining operation. His children were taught by tutors, and as
teenagers, some of his daughters attended Madame Sosnowski's and Lucy
- 161 -
Cobb's schools in Athens, Ga.l
Little is known of Robert Jarrett. As a young man, he found adven-
ture by joining the Georgia Volunteers in the Creek War of 1836 and 1837
This short, but bloody, war did not engage Robert long, but perhaps lie
found his excitement in the Battle of Pea River Swamp, described some-
what ironically in White's Collections of Georgia:
A company of volunteers from this county [Franklin], com-
manded by Captain Morris, was engaged in a battle with the
Creeks in Pea River Swamp, in Alabama, March 25, 1837. They
won for themselves a reputation that may be envied by the
victors of any field. Their deeds of noble daring were the
theme of their associates in arms, and they were not
behind the rest of the brave fellows, either in the march,
the swimming, or the charge. An incident that occurred
during the charge is worthy of note. One of the Franklin
Volunteers was in hot pursuit of an Indian, who, finding
that he must fall into the hands of his pursuer, attempted
to save himself by running in the midst of the women, two
of whom seized the volunteer; he used every exertion to
disengage himself from them, but they made furious and
deadly assault upon him with their knives, and in self-
defence he drew his bowie , and with two blows killed them
This section of the State was for a long time exposed
to the ravages of the Indians. In almost every part it
was found necessary to erect forts and block-houses to
protect the inhabitants against the savages. Cruelties
were inflicted upon the helpless women and children, the
record cf which would chill the blood.
Robert married Elizabeth by 1853, and by 1860 the couple had four chil-
dren. The census for that years indicates that Robert was a bit more
prosperous than Thomas in the value of his slaves, which was $25,000.
On his farm were grown 200 bushels of peas and beans, 3,000 bushels of
corn, 200 of oats, 240 of wheat, 15 of Irish potatoes, and 500 of sweel
potatoes. Also produced were 10 gallons of wine, 225 gallons of molas-
ses, one bale of cotton, and 1,000 pounds of butter. Robert and
House of Robert Jarrett [Photo taken 1977.]
House of Thomas Patton Jarrett
[Photo taken 1977, since destroyed by fire
Elizabeth owned one horse, five mules, 18 milk rows, two oxen, 10 cat-
tle, 60 hogs, and 50 sheep, which produced 100 pounds of wool. Living
in a brick plantation house much like the one built by Thomas, they
owned 43 slaves.
Sarah Ann Jarrett married an up-and-coming young farmer, Joseph J.
Prather, in 1852, and by 1860, the couple had two children. The census
taker that year recorded that the family had $15,000 in real estate and
$39,300 in personal estate. Sarah Ann so impressed him that he wrote "a
lady of the first quality" next to her name in the census. The census
agricultural schedules show that the Prathers ' farm was quite similar to
the Jarrett brothers' in production and livestock, although Prather did
grow considerably more cotton than his brothers-in-law.
Charles Kennedy Jarrett, known as "Kennedy," was apparently the
most ambitious of his father's children, undertaking to carry on the
family businesses. Far more material has been discovered regarding
Charles Kennedy than any previous Jarrett. In 1860, he had a family of
five, including his mother-in-law, living on his $15,000 plantation at
Traveler's Rest. He and his wife, the former Elizabeth Lucas, were mar-
ried by 1855 and had two children — Sally Grace, who was four years old
in I860, and Charles Patton, two years old.
Their farm produced 150 bushels of peas and beans in that year, as
well as 4,000 bushels of corn, 50 of oats, 1,300 of wheat, 50 of Irish
potatoes, 800 of sweet potatoes, and two bales of cotton. Also produced
were 1,000 pounds of butter, $1,300 of home manufactures, $200 of garden
produce, eight gallons of wine, 200 pounds of honey, 10 pounds of wax,
and 350 gallons of molasses. The family owned nine horses, 11 mules, 20
milk cows, six work oxen, 15 cattle, 150 hogs, and 112 sheep, which were
shorn of 250 pounds of wool. In addition to this sumptuous farm, Ken-
nedy also maintained as well as he could the gold mine, the inn, the
store, the post office, the mills, and the blacksmithy, and he even
bought a bridge in Clarkesville.-> Kennedy had 35 slaves in 1860.
The detailed biography of Kennedy Jarrett can begin at about 30
years of age. There is slim evidence that Devereaux Jarrett groomed
Kennedy to take over the family enterprises, sending him to pick up the
gold at the mine in 1849, and two years later, he deeded Traveler's Rest
to his son and returned "to rest with God " Soon after the death of
his father, the wealthy young bachelor visited Atlanta, where he met
Lizzie Lucas, a beautiful "Southern belle" from Athens, Georgia.
This was an important incident in the Jarrett family history,
deemed worthy of immortalization by the great elaborator of Traveler's
Rest history, Mary Jarrett White, the couple's daughter. According to
Mary, whose nickname was "Baby," the courtship began as follows:
In the early days of the history of Atlanta (then
called Marthasville in honor of Gov. Lumpkin's daughter
Martha who was a friend of the beautiful Miss Elizabeth
Lucas of Athens) , Miss Lucas was walking down the street
with some cousin who cast sly glances at the few beaux
who lived in this little village at that time. Among
them was Mr. Charles K. Jarrett a bachelor of about 28
years of age. He and his friend Judge Logan Bleckley
were discussing the current events when all of a sudden
Judge Bleckley was startled by the abrupt manner of his
friend Jarrett who in an excited voice said, 'Look at the
beauty! I never saw anything as supremely lovely as she
is. Who is she?' Judge Bleckley laughed and said, 'That
is Miss Lizzie Lucas of Athens, the belle and beauty of
Georgia. She wouldn't even look at you.' Mr. Jarrett
responded 'I don't care where she lives or who she is,
I'm going to marry her.' He knew he was a man of impor-
tance, owning ten thousand acres of land and fifty negro
slaves, twenty- two Kentucky thoroughbred horses and a
ROBERT JARRETT, 1846
PICKEN'S COURT HOUSE
JARRETT S BRIDGE
n\ TAVERN a
N \ N STORE
n \n slave
n \n quarters Tf
' i TRAVELER'S
TUG A LOO RIVER
PROVIDENCE • >
CHURCH N S:
£ 4 **Sw£^
TRAVELER'S REST AND JARRETT ENTERPRISES 1850
lovely homo situated in Habersham County in t lie fool hills
ol I he beautiful IJJ ue Ridge Mountains. In about a year he
brought his bride to his home, Travelers Rest, driving
from Athens in a coach of 'y e olden tyme ' driven by his
negro 'Harry' who was a faithful slave and was proud of
the honor of bringing young 'Miss' and young 'Master' home
to the big house where the brothers and sister and other
relatives awaited them with the happy slaves who prepared
the wonderful wedding supper which consisted of whole
roasted pigs with apples in their mouths, turkeys, fruit
cakes, boiled custard, 'syllabab' [syllabub, a dessert or
punch made with cream and wine or cider] and other good
things. After this sumtuous [sic] retart [repast] the
minuet and Virginia reel was danced to the music of 'de
fiddle and de bow' till the 'wee small hours.''
Life was more than courtship and parties at Traveler's Rest in the
1850s, however. Occasionally, Kennedy had to neglect his beautiful wife
and tend to the store, the gold mine, or one of the other enterprises.
In March of 1852, he succeeded his father as postmaster at Walton's
Ford, Georgia, a job which he held until 1866, when he gave it up for
the following 10 years.
Kennedy greatly expanded the scope of the Jarrett store. The led-
gers from the 18 50s are the most extensive yet found, running from 1853
through 1859 and including accounts from the blacksmithy and the toll-
bridge. The pages are headed "C.K. Jarrett — Walton's Ford." By this
time, the operation genuinely qualifed as a "general store," medicine
being added to a stock of yard-goods, food, tools, kitchen merchandise,
and clothing. The store began to sell soap occasionally, and other
items sold at the time were "spectacles," candy, locks, violins, and
oranges. Like his father, Kennedy was available for small cash loans,
and there were also occasional entries for a drink of brandy or a bottle
of wine. Very little liquor was sold, however, compared to the earlier
days, but in 1855, the trade in alcoholic beverages, especially whiskey,
picked up again. Entries for shoeing horses, laying plows, and similar
items, indicate that the Jarrett blacksmithy also survived.
Jarrett family tradition maintains that much of the furniture at
Traveler's Rest today was made by a man named Shaw, and the surviving
records support this claim. A Caleb T. Shaw lived in Franklin County,
near the Habersham County line, throughout the 1850s. What is known of
Shaw comes from United States Census records and the Traveler's Rest
ledgers. In 1850, Shaw was listed as a 46-year-old mechanic from Massa-
chusetts, a man with a small family. Sometime before 1852, Shaw proba-
bly made the large bed which has since become known as that of Devereaux
Jarrett. During the 1850s, Shaw made furniture for the four Jarrett
plantations. This is partially proven by entries in C.K. Jarrett 's led-
gers for the late 1850s, which show C.T. Shaw settling his store account
as a relatively well-paid Jarrett employee. The 1860 census records
show Shaw as a "cabinet maker." Little else about him has been dis-
The bridge does not seem to have been used much. Many people may
have been allowed to cross without paying, but in yearlv subscriptions
and daily tolls, the bridge had suprisingly little business — sometimes
days would pass without a toll Deing collected. Crossing the bridge
cost 20 cents, and a year's privilege was a dollar. Perhaps the road
passing Traveler's Rest was no longer well-traveled. U
Two of the surviving ledgers deal with matters pertaining to the
Jarrett slaves. A slim one, headed "Negro book, 1855," contains a few
accounts of purchases made by the blacks, whose names appear as "Robt's
Nuborn," "CKJ's Dicy," "Prather's Alford," and so forth. Kor a few dol-
lars, the slaves bought such items as knives and forks, muslin and cal-
ico, shoes, ribbon, caps, "sirup," tobacco, and other small items. This
material indicates that the Jarretts did indeed make it possible for
their slaves to earn petty cash, probably through their private gardens,
poultry and animals. Another ledger, the "Book of Prompt Payments,"
records numerous similar purchases by the blacks. On occasion, the Jar-
rett slaves even enjoyed, could they obtain the funds, such luxuries as
cinnamon, mirrors, silk, cologne, and fishhooks. In the back of this
ledger are several lists which give the "Names of the Negroes who has had
shoes," "Those who got socks," and "who got wool."
Scattered entries in the pages of a ledger recently discovered show
that Traveler's Rest survived as a stopping-place throughout the 1850s
and the Civil War. A couple could stay at the inn for one night for a
dollar, though some people managed to spend as much as $3.25 during
their stay. There are clues in these pages that stagecoaches still
passed the inn, but during the war years, most of the travelers stopping
at Jarrett's were soldiers. ^
In 1854, Kennedy Jarrett formed a partnership with Archibald, John,
and Edmund Pat ton (uncles or cousins) to work the Burnett Gold Mine.
The scarcely-legible document drawn up in forming this partnership indi-
cates that the Pattons and Jarrett, "who has obtained on his part a
lease from two of the owners," agreed to split expenses and profits, 50
percent for Jarrett and 50 percent for the Pattons. On a contract to run
for 12 years, Archibald Patton was chosen to manage the mine. Things
apparently did not run smoothly, however, for in 1855, the partners were
called into court by a John Dobbins, who sued them for $276 he claimed
they owed him for hired slaves. They had promised not "to work them in
pits, tunnels, or any dangerous work," Dobbins said, and they used the
slaves for a full year without paying him. From this it may be inferred
that the mine was not producing as much gold as had been hoped.
Most of the rest of the information known about the ante-bellum
Jarretts comes from the personal papers of Elizabeth Lucas Jarrett, and
in fact, her correspondence and that of her children is the only person-
ally intimate material available. With the exception of letters written
among members of the family, most of the correspondence consists of let-
ters written to the Jarretts, and this makes for a frustrating situa-
tion, only partially alleviated by the presence in this material of a
lock of Lizzie Lucas' blonde hair. 1 ^
Lizzie's correspondence, especially that of her single days, con-
forms to the traditional image of the "Southern belle." Letters from
both girlfriends and boyfriends are full of romance and gossip — and
seldom touch on other aspects of life. Lizzie's friends always tell her
that life is never so gay as it was before or should be, but nonetheless
contains a round of "rich and racy" parties, concerts, theatrical exhi-
bitions, and courtship. An 1852 letter from Cousin F.G.A. Johns in
Macon, Georgia, tells of a "Fancy Dress Party " attended by the guests in
I was one of the Kossuth aids [sic] on the occasion and
Judge A. P. Powers was Kossuth [a Hungarian revolutionary
hero who led a struggle against the Hapsburg Empire]. This
suite was composed of seven gentlemen all dressed in the
hungarian officer style and our military appearance looked
quite foreign and appropriate to the occasion.... We had
quite a No f number] of Kings Queens Turks Pages Spanish
noblemen and all sorts of foreign characters . l->
Cousin Johns takes "knightly" pride in telling Lizzie of all his
military activities — Macon, he reported in t he letter, had "a great
deal of military pride for a small town & can show two of the prettiest
companies in seven adjoining states." When the company had trained
recently, Johns caught a severe cold from exposure, although the sol-
diers had a "grand collation & a variety of Picnics etc ... and beauti-
ful weather all the time." Lizzie was quite a seamstress, it seems, for
she had made Johns several fine shirts. In the letter, Johns indulges
in some flattery, quoting "old man davy" that "Lizzy L is a great
Lizzie also carried on an extensive correspondence with "Cousin"
George Dews, whose letters are frivolous, but fine examples of the ante-
bellum Southerners' aspirations to gentility. Dews was something of a
stylist who liked passages such as the following, which he wrote while
traveling across Georgia by buggy:
All animal nature seemed to be quiet and the piercing
wind moaning through the trees seemed to be singing the
requiem of the falling leaves. We had to get out and
walk very often to keep the blood circulating in our bod-
In the same letter, dated February 14, 1851, George wrote of how he
longed for Lizzie's company on his visit to "Towellagre [Towaliga] Falls"
[High Falls, Butts County, 35 miles north of Macon]:
I love to look at such places. It seemed to be made
for lovers. The sublimity of the scene would cause their
love to burn more intensely; the soarings of the waters
making them feel dependent, would cause them to draw
nearer each other and then their voices could not be heard
by the listener. They could sit there and feel they had a
world entirely to themselves....
Back at college at Penfield [Mercer], Dews' heart felt a void in
his life, yet, he said, "I am willing to sacrifice all on the altar of
learning." Lizzie was sick — as she often seems to have been — so
George implored and philosophized:
Could my exertions avail anything, one pang of sorrow
or pain should never cross your bosom: but it is a blessed
thing, that we are not always freed from sickness; other-
wise, we could not appreciate the blessings of health: 'We
would never feel our dependence upon our Creator; thoughts
of heaven would be forgotten in the pleasures of the world;
and all spirituality would wither in our hearts.' I always
regard afflictions as messengers of God sent to warn us of
our duty and to wean our affections more & more from the
Dews then noted
This is St. Valentine's day. Hundreds [of Valentines]
have been written here. I would have written you one in a
disguised hand, had it not been, that I was owing you a let-
ter and I supposed you would prefer that, where every senti-
ment expressed you would know was sincere, to a Valentine
where nothing said could be relied on.
Dews wrote Lizzie of courtship and love, gossip and insults, health
and predestination. He went to parties where the guests consumed lemon-
ade, cakes, candy, almonds, and raisins, and then exchanged orations.
In August of 1851, Lizzie sent Dews a Bible, and overcome with ecstacy,
It shall always be my companion, and when the Angel of
Death shall flap his wings over the ocean of my heart and
its waters are ceasing its ebbing and flowing then it will
be clasp [sic] to my bosom, I trust and laid by my side in
the cold grave.
In spite of such ardent passages, however, Dews apparently found
room in his heart for someone else. He proposed to this unnamed "belle,"
but his love proved unrequited. On Learning of Lizzie's Forthcoming
marriage to Kennedy Jarrett, Dews confided, "My hearts first love has
already been crushed." Perhaps as a consequence of losing both women,
he then decided to take a course opposite that pursued by most scorned
bachelors and joined the "Sons of Temperance." After this fairly brief
flurry of correspondence, Dews then faded from the scene.
One of Lizzie Lucas' most interesting friends seems to have been
a young woman known now only as Fannie, from whom a few letters have
survived. Fannie' s assessment of the opposite sex was ambiguous, as
seen in the following passage, written May 12, 1852:
T know ' them mens ' too well — deceiving worthless
scamps! 1 feel sometimes that I despise the whole sex.
Then I begin to select those I do not despise, and lo ! I
find that 1 do not really despise a single one. They
certainly have a mighty influence on our sex. And I
presume the influence exerted by us is equally as great.
Your own loving Fannie
Fannie was apparently "confined" to Dahlonega, where life was never
as exciting as she felt it should be:
Dahlonega is such a moral place that news is not per-
mitted to enter its portals ... We have had a spiritual
rapper - (I should have said, a Psychologist, excusie moi)
a real live animal of that species — but let me tell you
the truth Bettie the people up here were so green; so com-
pletely knocked out of the world, that when he came and
informed them what he designed doing, they had not sense
enough to believe him, consequently not enough to permit
him to craze them. The poor fellow, Prof Estes left, no
doubt thoroughly disgusted at the idea of the existence of
such ignoramuses. °
One carefully-saved piece of paper is a final testimony to Lizzie
Lucas' "Southern belleness." It is headed, "For the Dahlonega Journal"
Mr. Editor — Being often in the group of the young
Gentlemen of this place who are in the die-away state
called Love and who gather themselves together for mutual
consolation — I frequently hear a name softly and tremu-
lously pronounced in syllables like these Lizzie Lucas —
she is numbered among the many mischievous instruments
through which Cupid lacerates the hearts of men — Her
abscence [sic] is very much regretted — and her revisi-
tation to the romantic hills and poetic vales of Lumpkin
County would be hailed by all particularly by a few with
demonstrations of joy — One heart is forever sighing out
her description in strains like the following
Her looks How lovely! and her face
So eloquent with mental grace!
She is, in truth, a wayward child,
Her words so gay, her steps so wild;
And never can she speak or move
Without some glow akin to Love!
The aforesaid Miss Lucas will sooner or later be bound
to respond at some tribunal for having wounded mortally
our boys and left them wounded suffering victims of Love.
A Young Contributor-^
Kennedy Jarrett proved to be just the man to sweep Lizzie away from
all her beaux. She gave up her "Scarlett O'Hara" life to live at the
Tugaloo with him, and subsequently had three children before the Civil
War. According to her romantic younger daughter:
The beautiful young mistress was a queen in her home
and in her community. She was loved by rich and poor....
A daughter Sarah Grace and two sons Charles Patton, and
Fred Lucas, came to make their happiness complete. Then
the dark war clouds began to hover over the South, bring-
ing desolation to all classes. 20
Unfortunately, few clues remain to indicate how these gathering
"clouds" affected the Jarretts. An interesting letter from Helen,
another one of Lizzie's correspondents whose last name is unknown, to
"Dear Auntie" (probably Lizzie) is one of the rare pieces of Jarrett
evidence related to the coming of the war. Writing in 1860, Helen men-
tioned that she went to a fair in Atlanta, where she "met up with a nura-
i — i
1 — '
ber of friends and I enjoyed myself finely about 20 of us eat a dinner
on the ground together." Helen visited the fair several times, especi-
ally impressed by "3 fire cos. 1 hook and ladder and 3 Military cos. of
Atlanta and the Marietta Cadets." She also noted that some "patriotic"
Southern women were wearing homespun, and a school from Cassville
appeared dressed in homespun to show that the South was independent of
Northern textile manufacturers. "Miss Helen" was not concerned enough
to worry about the ominous, imminent Presidential election, and she com-
mented casually, "We did not exhibit anything but ourselves."^
Far more serious than such "exhibitions," however, was the subject
of slavery, over which the nation was on the verge of dividing and
fighting a bloody war. As historians such as John Hope Franklin and Cle-
ment Eaton have shown, slavery was a terrible trap which had gone far
toward destroying free expression and democracy in the South. ^2 Above
all, white Southerners feared slave revolt. Slave plots were ruthlessly
suppressed; slave-owners went to great lengths to keep ideas of freedom
from circulating among the blacks. Ulrich B. Phillips, a historian
inclined to view slavery through rose-tinted glasses, wrote on slave
The revolts which occurred and the plots which were dis-
covered were sufficiently serious to produce a very palpa-
ble disquiet from time to time, and the rumors were fre-
quent enough to maintain a fairly constant undertone of
uneasiness . 23
No amount of repression and patrolling, however, was sufficient to
totally "protect" the blacks from the idea of freedom. Small conspira-
cies were more frequent after John Brown's abortive raid of 1859 and the
itement of the Presidential election of 1860. 2Z( In the fall of the
election year, a rcl.it ivoly unknown slave conspiracy was exposed at Wal-
ton's Ford. The details of this plot are almost entirely unknown, for
only a few newspaper notices have survived to tell of it. Two were
reprinted from an October, 1860, edition of the Clarkesville Herald .
The most detailed description, reprinted in the Athens Southern Banner ,
The people in the lower portion of this county [Haber-
sham], in the neighborhood of Walton's Ford, have been
greatly alarmed for several days past by the discovery of
a hellish plot among the negroes. Mrs. Philip Martin first
overheard the talking of the arrangements — heard them say,
they were going to pitch her into the well — Then how they
were going to dispose of others in the neighborhood.
The negroes have been taken up and severely whipped, a
free negro among them seems to have been the head leader
who was made to confess the whole of it. They were
instigated to it, by one John K. Wilson, who was employed
as a gardner [sic] by Mr. J.J. Prather [husband of Sally
Jarrett]. He [Wilson] had been talking and reading to them
for sometime. The scamp was given five hours to get away.
The citizens did entirely wrong in letting him escape. If
he were innocent it was cruel to drive him off. — if he
were guilty (of which they had evidence) it was wrong to
let him escape punishment. Clarkesville Herald. -*
Such emotional prose conveys an indication of the seriousness with
which white Southerners viewed the problem of slave revolt, but it can
only provide a paltry impression of the excitement which discovery of
the "hellish plot" must have brought to Walton's Ford. Unfortunately,
the details of the blacks' "arrangements" for the Prathers and the Jar-
retts, the grievances and hopes that inspired their desire for liberty,
and even the names of the individuals, have been lost. Barring an unex-
pected discovery of valuable primary documents, the details of the Wal-
ton's Ford conspiracy will remain unknown. The plot foreshadowed the
years of upheaval and confusion which began at the Tugaloo crossroads in
the fall of 1860.
Bed brought to Traveler's Rest by
Lizzie Lucas Jarrett around 1852.
Bent-wood Rocking Chair
Detail of Main Stairway
Chapter 8: Jarrett Plantations in the 1850s
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section; U.S. Census 1860
Population Schedule, Habersham County, p. 894; U.S. Census 1860 Agri-
cultural Schedule, Habersham County, p. 13; U.S. Slave Census, 1860,
Habersham County; "Jarrett Descendants Occupy Historic Homes," Toccoa
[Georgia] Record , March 25, 1976, p. 6-B.
2 George White, Historical Collections of Georgia (New York: Pudney and
Russell, Pub., 1854), p. 460.
* Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section and in the pos-
session of the Henry and Elizabeth Hayes family, Habersham County; U.S.
Census 1860 Population Schedule, p. 894; U.S. Census 1850 Agricul-
tural Schedule, p. 13; U.S. Slave Census; George White, Statistics of
Georgia (Savannah: W. Thorne Williams, 1849), reported that Habersham
County farmers grew an average of 15 bushels of corn per acre, five
bushels of wheat. The county produced a total of 50 bales of cotton
in 1849, p. 299.
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section; U.S. Census
1860 Population Schedule, p. 893; U.S. Census Agricultural Schedule,
5 U.S. Census 1860 Population Schedule, p. 896; U.S. Census 1860 Agri-
cultural Schedule, p. 13.
" Traveler's Rest papers (some on microfilm) , Historic Preservation Sec-
National Archives and Records Service, U.S. Post Office Records,
Appointments of Postmasters, Vol. 17, March 24, 1852, p. 36; Vol. 26,
Jarrett ledgers, Historic Preservation Section. U.S. Census records
1850, 1860, Franklin County, pp. 315, 675.
1U Jarrett Ledgers, Historic Preservation Section.
-* Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
15 Ibid .
16 Ibid .
17 Ibid .
18 Ibid .
19 ibid .
20 Ibid .
21 Ibid .
22 See John Hope Franklin, The Militant South (no publishing place, Bea-
con Press, 1956); Clement Eaton, Freedom of Thought in the Old^ South
(Durham, N.C. , 1940).
2^ Ulrich B. Phillips, American Negro S lavery (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press, 1969 ), p. 488.
Ibid . , pp. 487-88; see also Joseph Cephas Carroll, Slave Insurrec -
tions in the United States , 1800-1865 (New York: Negro Universities
Press, 1938) and Nicholas Halasz, The Rattling Chains , Slave Unrest
and Revolt in the Ante-bellum South (New York: David McKay Company,
"Alarm," Athens Southern Banner , November 1, 1860, p. 2; Macon Tele-
graph , November 21, 1860; Flanders, Plantation Slavery in Georgia , p
THE CIVIL WAR ON THE TUGALOO
No diaries or journals have been found, and but little correspon-
dence to and from the front tells of the Jarretts during the Civil War.
Most of the details of their lives during those four tragic years
remains unknown or at least undocumented. Devereaux Jarrett's sons were
all a bit old for arduous military service, and while one might expect a
wealthy man of 40 years of age such as Kennedy Jarrett to be an officer,
this apparently was not the case. Few Civil War records relating to the
Jarretts during this period are extant, and the Confederate records at
the Georgia Archives show only that C.K. Jarrett enlisted as a private
on March 3, 1862, in Cherokee County. He received a $50 bounty, having
signed up for three years, or the duration of the war, but soon, how-
ever, Kennedy became an "absent enlisted man, accounted for — " in July
of 1862. The explanation for this short-term service can be found in
The Roster of the Confederate Soldiers of Georgia, which provides the
information that Kennedy Jarrett was "discharged on account of weak eyes
in 1862. ul
C.K. Jarrett's post-war letter requesting a pardon reveals that he
served as purchasing agent for the Confederate Army, his work in that
capacity perhaps resulting in one of the interesting documents in the
Jarrett family papers, a receipt for $20,000 (Confederate) worth of
beef. A handful of letters have also survived to offer glimpses of the
Jarretts' lives, one being undated and probably written April 18, 1861, by
James W. Wrenn of Gainesville, Alabama, to "Dear Brother," who could be a
- 178 -
neighbor, a guest, a tenant farmer, or even a Jarrett. The letter can
be dated 1(361 because it apparently refers to the secession of Virginia,
which occurred on April 17 of that year. The letter's text shows the
carefree spirit with which many Southerners entered the fray:
I am in Gainesville now, the guns are firing, drums are
beating, fifes are playing, bells are ringing & the town
in an uproar generally. So am I. We have a meeting here
tomorrow to organize a volunteer company & I have almost
concluded to join & will immediately if you can find some-
one to stay on your farm & come home. Let me know immedi-
ately what you can do I am in earnest. We are all well &
looking for you tomorrow
Jas . W. Wrenn
N.B. The noise is for old Virginia.
What this letter had to do with the Jarretts or Traveler's Rest is not
known; nor is it known if the Jarretts entered the war in the same ebul-
lient mood as did Wrenn.
Early in the war, one of Lizzie Jarrett 's correspondents, known
only as Sue, was already expressing regrets. Writing from Penfield,
Georgia, she lamented:
I wish if were possible this bitter cup of war that we
have had to and are drinking could pass from us & we could
have peace again — we will not have scarcly [sic] a young
man left to us.... If you have any brandy made this year
— keep some for me as I am going to hard drinking. ^
One letter from the front to "My Dear Friend" has been found at
Traveler's Rest. On May 17, 1863, J.W. [?] Wyly wrote to his unnamed
friend from a camp near Fredericksburg, Virginia, as follows:
I have been studying for the last day or two wheather
[sic] I owe you a letter or not, and I still cant tell,
and for fear T did not answer your last letter I take this
opportunity to write you a short letter.
This is a beautiful Sabbath Morning in May and the
trees are in full bloom. It resembles very much the beau-
tiful May days which in bygone days of peace, we have seen
so many fine enjoyments but those times for a while have
ceased to exist but I do hope before another Mav month
shall make its appearance we will all be at our lovely
homes in peace, and prepared to see those enjoyments that
we once saw again. On the first of this month we was
engaged in Battle, and on the third and fourth one of the
most terrible battals [sic] of the war was fought [Chan-
cellorsville] . the fighting commenced on the thirtieth of
last month (April) and continued for eight days but on the
second third & fourth was the days of the hard fighting
and many of the noble sons of the South was caused to
leave this world of sorrow and troubles. The night of the
Second instant our Loard [sic] & lost hero Genl. Jackson
faught [sic] very near all night. Twas in that grate
[sic] and hard fought battle that he was wounded. he and
his staff rode out in advance of our Skirmishers and just
before he went out (it was night) he instructed his men to
fire at any one coming up in front of them. Soon on his
return he missed the road and came up in front of his pic-
kett [sic] and they doing their duty hit him in the left
wrist one in the left hand and another in the right hand
his left arm was taken off near his elbow, but he was
doing very well untill [sic] he was taken with a very
severe attack of Pneumonia of which he died. Our casual-
ties in our company was very light in this engagement we
lost but one man killed it was Pate Fuller no doubt you
have heard of his sad fate long ago he was shot in the
head and died instantly he was a brave & Gallant Lou-
[isian]ian. We had six or seven wounded. None of which
Genl. Lee says that this victory won here was the
greatest of the war. the Yankees chose the battle ground
had two men to our one and we completely routed them
across the river. the Yankees acknowledge themselves that
we out General them and our men fought better and they say
we can whip them any time with anything like an equal num-
So I have written you such an uninteresting [letter] I
will close there is no news in camp at all. I see by yes-
terdays papers the the [sic] Yankees have taken possession
of Jackson, Mississippi Genl. Johnson has fallen back to
some station between Jackson & Vicksburg and says he is
prepared to meet them in any force they may bring before
him. he says he is confident of success. the health of
the troops is very good now indeed. the weather is verv
fine. If I have not answered your last letter untill
[sic] now I hope you will excuse me for this time lost
since sometime before the fight has been in confusion,
write soon. I will be very glad to hear from you. 5
Far from the gory scenes at Chancellorsville and Fredericksburg,
the Jarrett women waited for peace amid dwindling comforts. A letter to
Lizzie from Cousin Mary Alice McComb in Bellview, Florida, is full of
family news, and she finally mentions the impact of the war in saying:
Have you had any homespun dresses yet — I have three
or four People that never thought of having such a thing
as a homespun dress before the war now think they are very
well off if they have homespun. Thread is 30 dollars a
bunch. I heard calico was 9 $ per yard Worsted is 15 $ a
As the war continued, a great many items became costly and scarce.
In the Tugaloo area, coffee and tea were replaced by a brew concocted
from "parched grain or okra ground up" or various herbal beverages.
Ink, paper, and button became hard to find, and homemade molasses
became the standard sweetener. Pins and needles were carefully saved.'
Despite such inconveniencing shortages, however, the Tugaloo area resi-
dents appear not to have suffered great hardships before the final days
of the war. When Floride Clemson, granddaughter of John C. Calhoun and
a cultured young woman in her early 20s arrived in Pendleton in January
of 1865, she reported:
The ladies look a little shabyly [shabby] & old fash-
ioned but there seems little real want . . . Luxuries are
almost unatainable [sic], sugar, & meat dear ... but there
is plenty of corn, flour, salt, sorghum, & even poultry,
about here.... The ingenuity of the people is wonder full
in making things, & furnishing 'substitutes,' which is a
word in every ones mouth.
Floride went on to offer a comment on the Confederate situation: "The
greatest want, alas! is of men. Men to fight. There are scarce any out
of the army now, & too few there. The people, as far as I have seen,
are dispirited now."" If the Jarrett women wished to assist in the war
effort by caring for wounded "heroes," they could climb in the wagon
and drive across the river to Pendleton, where a one-room house near the
railroad station had been converted into a hospital. There, "many a
suffering soldier received good nursing.""
Another of the few remaining Jarrett letters from the Civil War era
was that from Robert Jarrett to his wife, Elizabeth, written from Ashe-
ville, North Carolina, on September 5, 1862. Robert informed her: "I
arrived here day before yesterday after a very rough road and painful
journey the road from Clarkesville to franklin [sic] is very rough it
had like to have worn me out." On the next leg of the journey, Robert
had suffered greatly in his hips and back, he reported, but he hoped to
be restored to health at a springs. He was cheered by the war news:
We have just heard of the battle of manassus [sic]
plains our men have whiped [sic] Pope and McClellan the
report is that 7000 of our men are killed and fifteen
thousand wounded and the Yankee loss is immense. 10
Regarding the farm, Robert instructed: "Tell york to put up fatning
[sic] hogs all that will do and feed them what they will eat of the
small corn and what they cut out of the fodder roads." After returning
to the theme of his suffering, he closed with the news that he could not
obtain a cap for his son, "little Devereaux." Perhaps the disability
referred to in this letter was the cause of Robert Jarrett 's death in
1864 [see the Appendix for an inventory of his estate]. ^
In the last days of the Southern rebellion, the terrors of war fin-
ally visited the people living in relative seclusion in the Tugaloo
neighborhood. For many months, Tugaloo residents observed with growing
alarm the gradual decline of the slave-owners' cause. When General Wil-
liam T. Sherman led a burning, looting army across Georgia in 1864,
determined to divide the South in half and show the Southerners the
hopelessness of their fight and the bitter fruits of warfare, people in
the Tugaloo area developed an increasing fear and hatred of their ene-
mies. What would happen if the Yankees were to bring destruction there?
By February of 1865, Floride Clemson found the people "despondent
... and ... at heart conquered." Even necessities had become "ridicu-
lously dear, & almost impossible to get." On February 19, she reported
Pendleton to be full of "consternation" over the danger of Federal
raids, and when Columbia, South Carolina, was "laid in ashes by the
Northern Vandals," she fearfully anticipated the same for the Tugaloo
neighborhood. On April 21, Floride confided to her diary: "Oh these
are dreadful times to live in. I suppose we may expect raids now any-
day, & God only knows how we are to bear it, for the country is starving
now.... I suppose we will die of starvation...." On May 1, she wrote,
"We scarcely ever see a news paper, & are bewildered groping in inpene-
trable darkness, & mystery."
These fears were realized with dramatic suddenness. Confederate
President Jefferson Davis fled Richmond in April, desperate to reach the
trans-Mississippi region, where recalcitrant Southerners hoped that the
war could be perpetuated. With Davis was a small escort and an indeter-
minate amount of gold from the Confederate treasury. He headed for the
Southwest by a route which would take him across the Tugaloo somewhere
between Traveler's Rest and Petersburg. On April 27, United States
Secretary of War E.M. Stanton telegraphed General George Thomas, order-
ing him to see to the capture of Davis and the estimated $6 to $13 mil-
lion in gold. Stanton cabled: "Spare no exertion to stop Davis and his
plunder. Push the enemy as hard as you can in every direction. "^
Thomas immediately passed the order on to General George Stoneman,
commander of the headquarters of the Department of Cumberland at Knox-
ville, and on the same day, Stoneman ordered Generals David Tillson,
Simeon B. Brown (both at Asheville), and William J. Palmer (at Cowpens,
South Carolina) and their three brigades to pursue Davis. Stoneman
exhorted: "If you can hear of Davis, follow him to the ends of the
earth, if possible, and never give him up." 1 Greatly agitated by the
rumors of vast hordes of gold, the eager Union troops headed for the
Tugaloo, "living off the country." Crossing the Tugaloo at Hatton's
Ford, somewhat north of Davis' Abbeville crossing, Palmer's brigade
scrambled to reach Athens ahead of Davis, who was forced to halt at
Washington, Georgia, disband most of his men, and turn back to the east.
He was soon captured. ^
During and immediately following their efforts to head off Davis
and the gold, the overly excited Union troops made life extremely trau-
matic for residents of the Tugaloo. For the Jarretts and their neigh-
bors of the wealthy planter class, the Yankees' arrival signaled the end
of an era and a way of life which they had struggled desperately to pre-
serve. Although only a few scraps of paper have survived to provide
frustrating hints of the Jarretts' lives during those days of change, it
is possible to obtain a deeper impression of how they must have felt
from a number of sources which have been published. Several accounts
from nearby in South Carolina vividly portray the adventurous, dangerous
events of the Yankees' arrival at the Tugaloo. Since these records were
kept by people of the same socio-economic class as the Jarretts, they
can speak for that family, to a certain extent. Hence, they are especi-
ally valuable for the student of Traveler's Rest.
On May 1, 1865, Clarissa Adger Bowen, a young woman who lived at
Ashtabula Plantation, near Pendleton, decided to begin a diary in order
"to have a record of our every day life during these months of uncer-
tainty, gloom, and suffering." The diary brings alive the impact of war
upon this previously isolated community a few miles from Traveler's
Rest. For weeks, the atmosphere had been permeated with "wild rumors."
Already somewhat terrorized by the free-booting soldiers of Joe Wheel-
er's Confederate cavalry, 1 " by spring, the Tugaloo people were dreading
the approach of looting and burning Union troops. On May 1, they
arrived, and 40 soldiers rode up to Ashtabula, opened the stable, and
took two horses. The Bowen family hurriedly poured out their liquor and
hid guns and silver. Then:
In about twenty minutes three more of the wretches rode
up, rushing at 0. [Bowen] who was under an oak tree and tore
his watch from him. One of them dismounting took him aside
and imperiously demanded firearms and specie [coin money].
With drawn pistols they rushed into my room and the work
of pillage began — jewelry firearms and specie seemed
their principal desire but other things such as flannel
shirts, shoes, wine, coffee, tea, loaf sugar, etc. were
not despised. They even took the strawberries, bread, etc.
out of the storeroom but we are yet in too much confusion
to know what is taken and what is left. Only thank Cod,
no blood was shed and 0. was not taken prisoner. It was
all as sudden as a clap of thunder.!'
Few of those who had possessions the Yankees might value got much sleep
during those early May nights. To her diary, Clarissa Bowen exclaimed:
"What trials wo arc now enduring!" The Bow ens and most of their wealthy
neighbors slept with their clothes on, dreading a return of the Northern
marauders. The people had no way of knowing that the often drunken,
thieving, abusive, violent soldiers would commit no further barbarisms,
such as burning or even worse. Floride Clemson delicately expressed the
fear that must have preyed on the minds of many, saying, "We ... were
dreadfully afraid of personal insults."
At Rivoli, home of Clarissa's father, Robert Adger, 50 Union sol-
diers appeared on May 1 and demanded "18 millions of treasure which they
'knew was hidden in the cellar' or to capture 'the President and Cabinet
who had been at the house for two days'!" When the soldiers told Adger
they knew exactly where the gold was, he told them, "Then go take it."
Instead of digging, however, the officers led their men in plundering
The raiders also visited Boscobel, nearby home of Robert Adger' s
brother, the Reverend John D. Adger. There, they demanded horses and
watches. Adger taunted them, asking, "Does your government send you all
through this country just to rob private citizens?" To this, the Yankee
spokesman replied, "Do you suppose I would go riding all about here and
not take anything home to my family?" Upon going inside, he then told
the tense Adger women, "Don't be afraid, ladies, we've seen ladies
before. We only want to get pistols and gold watches." The soldiers
ransacked the house, pocketing everything valuable and portable. As the
spokesman climbed on his horse to depart, however, his rifle discharged,
blasting a hole through his neck and head. The minister was nearly shot
on the spot by the Yankee's surprised compatriots, but Adger reversed
the situation: "I clapped my hands over their heads and said, 'The hand
of God is on you, men. Give me back my watch.'" He also recovered his
daughter's watch, and the chastened thieves then departed. 20
Clarissa Bowen wrote that the Northerners had discovered some cases
of liquor in Anderson, South Carolina, drinking until they had become
"perfect demons." Louise Vandiver's History of Anderson tells of the
drunken Union soldiers shooting down one young man as he crossed the
street, and others were tortured to reveal the locations of their secret
savings. "The drunken, rowdy soldiers entered everywhere, taking what-
ever of value they could carry away, wantonly destroying much that they
could not. "21
Young Caroline Ravenel described the Yankees' visit to her family
in Anderson in a letter. They threatened to hang her grandmother,
should she refuse to give them her purported gold. "She told them they
could hang her, but as she had no gold, she could not give it up." The
soldiers then looted the house.
They went down, carried old Uncle Henry to Mama's room,
put a noose round his neck, & hung him to the bedstead
three times, that is, the tips of his toes alone touched
the ground ... Aunt Mary loosened the rope once, which so
enraged them that they threatened to hang her too, and
abused her so that she saw her presence was anything but
a protection to Uncle H. , & at last was obliged to come
out. We did not know what was going on then. They came
upstairs again, & oh! they abused Aunt Mary & Grandma, &
Aunt Elizabeth dreadfully, saying they would give $50,000
if Aunt Mary was a man they might hang her too, & threat-
ened her so much that I was very uneasy. They told us
that they didn't believe 'those fine ladies,' meaning
Aunt Maria, Aunt Carrie, Maria & T would tell a story &
they would not take $2000000 if we were to give it to
them, but they would have that old man's gold, & they
would hang him for lying & break his neck. They called
down the most awful, awful curses on themselves if they
did not kill the old man. Oh! Belle, you can never imag-
ine the horror of those moments, words cannot describe it;
even now, I cannot realize what T suffered then. Oh! it was
dreadful. . . .
Then, Belle, after abusing us, they went down in the
room below. You may think you can imagine our feelings:
first, we heard Uncle Henry's voice, then a pistol shot &
a fall; we thought he was dead. But directly we heard
his voice again, then a great struggle, a heavy fall, &
dead silence! After a while the men rode off, & some
went down. They had knocked Uncle H.'s face with a
shovel, with their fists, & beaten his head against the
wall, when, finding that they were killing him, he told
where the gold was. Oh! it wasn't worth the anxiety we
underwent . *■
Naturally, The History of the Fifteenth Pennsylvania Regiment does
not dwell on such incidents. Of the alcoholic refreshments at the
Anderson Courthouse, the regimental history merely comments: "We got it
all. Nearly all our men had a canteen full, and barrels of it were emp-
tied in the gutters by standing orders from Gen. Stoneham [sic] who was
fearful of its demoralizing effects on his troops." Apparently, the
"whole force" had become intoxicated in North Carolina, and "Stoneman
wanted no more of it."
Certainly some of the Union officers tried to control their men,
and the Reverend Adger reported seeing four of his light-fingered visi-
tors being held as convicted thieves and prisoners. There can be no
doubt, however, that the Northern soldiers were guilty of considerable
excesses. General William Palmer's May 6 report from Athens to Stoneman
tells of sending Brown's brigade to guard all the crossroads, bridges,
and ferries on the Tugaloo, "to feed there as long as possible without
starving the people. "^- ) Forage was scarce, and Palmer recommended that
Brown's men be returned to Tennessee as soon as could be arranged, for
. . . their officers for the most part have lost all control
over their men. A large number of the men and some of the
officers devote themselves exclusively to pillaging and
destroying property. General Brown appears to have given
them carte blanche in South Carolina, and they are so des-
titute of discipline that it cannot be restored in the
field and while the command is living on the country. 26
So went the Civil War adventures of people on the Tugaloo. Jar-
rett's bridge and Traveler's Rest were undoubtedly visited by a detach-
ment of Brown's rambunctious troops, as a letter written by Lizzie Lucas
Jarrett to her niece, Zadie Jarrett, during those frightening days says:
I am so anxious about the arrival of our ' five hundred
friends' that [I] shall have to defer our visit to Mrs.
Jarres to another day. Ma is going to Mr. Ramseys &
Doyles come & go with her your Uncle K [Kennedy] has not
come yet, & I had rather wait until he gets home as there
is so much passing and confusion in the country. I wish
I was a thousand men. I expect we will have to go to
Milledgeville for arms & ammunition for the men say they
'have none and someone ought to go. '27
The Jarretts experienced further excitement in May, when Robert
Toombs, a leading Georgia politician and member of the Confederate Cabi-
net as secretary of state, hid from Federal troops for a week at Joseph
Prather's house. From Prather's, Toombs moved to hide at the Rembert's
near Tallulah Falls, where he passed as Major Luther Martin and killed
time by hunting deer. He soon fled the country by way of New Orleans
and Cuba to Europe. °
whatever actually happened at Traveler's Rest during the early May
excitement, however, legends inevitably sprang up. Mary Jarrett White
later offered this account of the Civil War days at Traveler's Rest:
'Uncle Harry' the faithful negro slave took the twenty-
two fine horses [these do not appear in the census sche-
dules] to the woods where he said he would hide them from
the Yankees. He kept (hem hidden three Lonely months. He
said 'Miss Lizzie dev ain't no Yankee gwine to gi L dese
horses long as I can held a gun. 1 knows how to shoot
.same as Horn old Yankees does.'
Harry was well taken care of during his long bigil
[sic], food being taken to him by loyal slaves. Then
came a sad day for Harry and all the Jarrett family. A
'free nigger' which the Yankees picked up led them to
where 'Uncle Harry' and the beloved horses were hidden.
They came by the house in a gallop waving and grinning
at young mistress as they passed. 'Uncle Harry' fol-
lowed with tears streaming down his face he said, 'Miss
Lizzie, I sho am sorry, but I couldn't kill all dem
Yankees. Dey was such a "garm" of the old devils
which I believe riz up out of hell, whar dey will all
go back to and I don't keer how soon.' They took the
meat that was buried, all the corn and wheat and killed
the hogs and chickens and turkeys etc. They also took
an old clock to pieces looking for money and valuables.
Fortunately they did not burn the house which still
stands. Nothing left for the family or porr [sic]
negroes who were 'Free.'
This terrible blow was almost more than 'Young Mis-
tress' and 'Young Master' could bear. Reconstruction
and Carpet Bag days added to their other troubles.
A company of Yankees campted [sic] on the place near
the Tugalo River toll bridge [Jarrett 's] expecting to
capture Jefferson Davis, but he evaded them and crossed
the river several miles below. 29
For plantation families such as the Jarretts, Adgers , Clemsons, and
Bowens , difficult adjustments were just beginning, however. "The feel-
ing of humiliation and constant apprehension I will not attempt to des-
cribe," wrote Mrs. Arthur M. Huger of Greenville. ^ with the defeat of
the Confederacy, the Southern people's future became a maze of uncer-
tainties. What would the conquerors do? Would the Rebels' land and
other property be confiscated? And above all these questions loomed
that of emancipation.
For Southern blacks, the future was just as uncertain as for their
former masters, although perhaps not so ominous in some respects. When
Clarissa Bowen wrote on May 1 that "the negroes are all much demoral-
ized," she probably meant that thev were excited, confused, and
difficult to control. The former slaves were inclined to fraternize
with the Union soldiers, and many blacks left the area altogether. When
rumors circulated that emancipation had somehow failed to be enacted by
Congress, Clarissa wondered, "How will the negroes feel if things set-
tie down and they are left as they were! x This was not to occur, how-
ever, and blacks and whites were soon struggling to adjust to the irre-
versible end to slavery. Even for many former slaves who were accus-
tomed to hard times, 1865 was a year of "bitter suffering and sorrow."
Clarissa Bowen reported, "Our danger is now more from the poor people
around us, than from the Yankees, as they are going about stealing what
they please."- 5 -'
In June of that year, the former rebels were forced to swear their
allegiance to the federal government or lose their lands. Clarissa
We are conquered and the government is all powerful.
How will they use that power? Perhaps they will deal
gently, try to conciliate, but who knows! It is singular
how in trying to avoid evils which are comparatively
small we plunge into unknown gulfs of misery and how lit-
tle we reflect that it may be wiser to 'bear those ills'
we have, than to fly to 'those we know not of.' It seems
to me that the mistake our people are making now is to
indulge in guilty, sinful brooding over second causes.
'If such and such things had not been done, we would have
succeeded,' they say, forgetting that they are thus
dethroning God from Providential Sovereignty of HIS OWN
WORLD. Forgetting that the Lord reigneth, they venture
to dictate what the procedure of infinite love and wisdom
should be. Let us beware lest we bring on ouselves a
still more severe chastisement.-^
Also in June, matters with the former slaves still had not been
settled, and Clarissa's diary notes that the "negroes are so much demor-
alized tlt.it l hey will not work; fears are entertained that there will be
but little corn made." Former masters had great difficulty in conceiv-
ing of their servants as free human beings, and Caroline Ravenel wrote
upon imagining the blacks at her family home in Charleston: "Sometimes
the idea is so ludicrous that I can't help laughing, & then again it is
so dreadful, when I think of our old cook sitting up in the drawing room
Conditioned to horror at the idea of racial equality, the South-
ern whites were determined to keep the blacks in a state of inferiority
and servitude. At Rivoli and Ashtabula, the Adgers and Bowens spent
three days devising a contract for their house and field "people." The
one-time household servants immediately signed, but the field hands were
upset by the terms of the contract and delayed action. By morning, how-
ever, the lack of alternatives had prompted them to sign the proposal,
by which the freed people agreed:
... to perform good faithful service as heretofore, sub-
mitting themselves in all respects to the control and
direction of their former masters, never leaving the place
without permission, abstaining from the use of liquor on
the place and never becoming intoxicated while away. The
former master on his part agreeing to give all, both work-
ers and non-workers, good comfortable clothing, quarters,
fuel, and medical attention as heretofore. The freedmen
are to retain the products and patches of corn, gardens,
chicken yards, etc. as heretofore. 36
Such terms, dominated as they were by "as here tof ores , " make it
easy to comprehend the field hands' reluctance to sign the agreement,
and they must have wondered about the much-anticipated glories of free-
dom. Yet, undeniably, slavery had ill-equipped them to understand the
concept of liberty, and believing that freedom meant "freedom from all
restraint, surcease from all work," a great many expected to adopt the
leisurely lifestyles of some of their former masters. On July 26,
Caroline Ravenel wrote a letter describing how, when presented with a
work contract :
...the oldest negro on the place ... was exceedingly indig-
nant, & said Missis belonged to him, & he belonged to Mis-
sis, & he was not going to leave her ... & he was not going
to do any work either, except make a collar a week. ->o
Such attitudes as these ominously indicated that both races were to
experience great difficulty in coping with the blacks' freedom. The
Reverend John Adger resolved the dilemma for himself by sending his
slaves away. In his memoirs, he wrote:
I had announced to my slaves that they were all free.
The coming of emancipation had been talked of all through
the summer, and they had made inquiries about it of my-
self, and I had told them that, whenever it was deter-
mined, I should inform them of it. It was, perhaps, in
August that the action of the State of South Carolina
settled the question, and I told them I could no longer
employ them, and that they must find homes for them-
selves. They were about thirty in number. One of them,
a man named Morris, had a wife and a number of children,
several of them grown boys. He alone of the whole number
objected very much to the terms of their emancipation,
having this large family to support. In general, they
received the announcement with indifference. To Morris
it seemed that the government had treated him very badly,
in setting him free without 'giving him a start,' as he
expressed it.... The whole company very soon scattered,
and I lost sight of them all.™
Others, however, felt a greater sense of responsibility toward
their former slaves than did Adger. Considering his indifference, one
need not wonder why his niece, Clarissa Bowen, was moved to comment:
"Poor creatures. Truly the future looks dark for us, but it is blacker
for them." 40
Disappointingly-few details have survived to toll of the travails
and arrangements between the Jarrett family and their former slaves.
Among the family papers are two contracts, faded with age, made between
Charles Kennedy Jarrett and black workers. One is nearly illegible in
its entirety, but the other, made in August of 1865, bound Kennedy to
pay Jasper Jarrett "five dollars per month to be paid in corn at (1) one
dollar per bushel," or amounts [illegible figures] of pork and syrup.
Jasper, on his part,
. . . binds himself to do good work at all times unless acci-
dentally sick commencing work at sunrise and continue until
sunset except two hours at twelve o'clock during the long
days and one hour in the short day — said Jasper binds
himself to keep good order at all times and to account for
and return all tools which he may use when called for.^-*-
Primary sources reveal many former slave-owners to have been neuro-
tically sensitive about signs of blacks' expectations of equality and
potential arrogance, and Caroline Ravenel was offended at the idea of
"colored belles" enjoying their freedom at picnics. ^ Another episode
demonstrated the potential for overt hostility between the races, told
by Clarissa Bowen in her diary:
Col. Parker's negro threatened Mrs. P. with an axe and
when she pled for quietness for the sake of her son who
was ill was told that they cared nothing for her nor her
son, that white people must now give way to coloured etc.
... We begin to realize we are a conquered people and to
expect humiliations and insults.
Clarissa's words were indeed accurate: "This is truly a world of
In July of that year, Floride Clemson wrote that the Tugaloo was
... a terrible drought, & many say the corn crop is
already ruined ... the prospect for winter is terrible
The negroes being free — almost everyone is turning them
away by the hundreds to starve, plunder, & do worse. The
times ahead a [re] fearful. 44
Clarissa reported in October that the country was in a "very unset-
tled state." So-called "regulators" used violence to reinforce the
racial "status quo ante-bellum." During this same period, Floride Clem-
son wrote that "this country is getting very unsafe. People are con-
stantly called from their houses at night & shot...." In mid-December,
Floride was still pessimistic: "Every one expects trouble about Xmas:
with the negroes, who expect land. Matters are pretty quiet now except
casual disturbances and murders." Floride did not again mention her
fears about starvation, so it is probable that shortages were not as
extensive as she had predicted in July. By the summer of 1866, she was
extremely anxious to leave Pendleton, and when her father, Thomas Cal-
houn, considered settling down at Calhoun's Fort Hill, she wrote, "One
might as well be buried alive."
Yet violence, uncertainty, despair, and dullness was not an unbro-
ken pattern at the Tugaloo in the months after the end of the Civil War.
In October of 1865, former General Wade Hampton was visiting the South
Carolina side of the river, and a mock "tournament" was performed at
Pendleton during his visit, attended by Clarissa Bowen, Floride Clemson,
and perhaps some of the Jarretts. Hampton "looked and rode well as Don
in his blue velvet yellow satin and point lace," wrote
Floride Clemson. "Calhoun [Clemson Calhoun] and young Ben Crawford were
his knights, and the latter, Ivanhoe, won the crown and chose his queen
of love, Miss Sue Lewis" -- "a "mere school girl," reported the piqued
The Jarre tts may or may not have been prepared to participate in
such "chivalric" festivities at this time, however, as Kennedy Jarrett's
barns, cotton gin, and mill had apparently been burnt during the spring-
time visit of the Yankees. Then, according to legend, "a storm blew
down the carriage house where the coach was left and also the bridge was
blown down." Whatever the actual extent of the Jarretts' losses,
Traveler's Rest and the Tugaloo crossroads were never again to be as
prosperous as in ante-bellum days.
Chapter 9_: The Civil War on the Tugaloo
The upper age limit for military draft set by the Confederacy was ori-
ginally 35, but was soon raised to 45, then 50 in February, 1862. Gov-
ernor Joseph Brown, who wanted Georgia to have an army of her own, got
the legislature to pass a draft law conscripting all those from 16 to 60
(December, 1863). Thomas P. Jarrett (born 1812) may have served in the
"Home Guard." Robert and Charles Kennedy's bad health precluded their
active service. See Coulter, Georgia, A Short History , pp. 330-31.
Confederate Microcards , Georgia Department of Archives and History; Lil-
lian Henderson (ed. ) , Roster of the Confederate Soldiers of Georgia
(Hapeville, Ga. : Longino & Forter, Inc., 1960), Vol. IV, p. 623.
2 Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
Louise Ayer Vandiver, Traditions and History of Anderson County
(Atlanta: Ruralist Press, Publishers, 1929), p. 237.
° Floride Clemson, A Rebel Came Home , Charles M. McGee , Jr., and Ernest
M. Lander, Jr. (eds) (Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina
Press, 1961), p. 74.
y Vandiver, Anderson County , p. 238.
10 Robert Jarrett papers at his home on Tugaloo, now in possession of the
Henry and Elizabeth Hayes family.
11 Ibid .
12 Clemson, A Rebel , pp. 75, 77, 81, 83.
Official Records of the War of the Rebellion (Washington, D.C. : Gov-
ernment Printing Office, 1897), Series I, Vol. XLIX, Part I, p. 546.
15 Ibid. , pp. 547-50.
" Mary Stephenson (ed.), The Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowe n, Ashtabula
Plantation , 1865 : The Pendleton-Clemson Area , South Carolina , 1776-
1889 (Pendleton: Research and Publication Committee, Foundation for
Historic Research in the Pendleton Area, 1973), p. 73; Vandiver,
Anderson County , p. 243.
Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , p. 73.
1° Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , p. 73; Clemson, A Rebel ,
1" Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , p. 73; John B. Adger, My
Life and Times (Richmond: The Presbyterian Committee of Publication,
1899), p. 339.
20 Adger, My Life , pp. 342-43.
2 1 Vandiver, Anderson County , p. 239.
22 Daniel Elliott Huger Smith, ed. , Mason-Smith Family Letters (Colum-
bia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press, 1950), pp. 211-12.
23 Charles H. Kirk (ed.), History of the Fifteenth Pennsylvania Volun-
teer C avalry (Philadelphia: 1906, no publisher), p. 512.
24 Adger, My Life , p. 345.
25 Official Records , Vol. XLIX, p. 551.
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
28 Pleasant A. Stovall, The Life of Robert Toombs (New York: Cassell
Publishing Company, 1892), pp. 304-07.
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
Smith, Mason-Smith Family Letters , p. 206.
Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , p. 73.
32 Ibid . , p. 74.
34 Ibid . , p. 75.
Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , p. 77.
Coulter, Georgia: A Short History , p. 350.
38 Smith, Mason-Smith Family Letters , p. 181.
39 Adger, My Life , pp. 345-46.
Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , p. 76.
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
^ Smith, Mason-Smith Family Letters , p. 181.
43 Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , pp. 76, 79.
44 Clemson, A Rebel , p. 93.
45 Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , p. 79; Clemson, A Rebel ,
pp. 95, 96, 105. The Ku Klux Klan, violent defenders of "white
supremacy," first appeared in Georgia in 1868. They were especially
virulent in north Georgia; Coulter, Georgia : A Short History , p. 371
4" Stephenson, Diary of Clarissa Adger Bowen , p. 80; Clemson, A Rebel ,
4' Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
TRAVELER'S REST DURING RECONSTRUCTION
This chapter in the history of Traveler's Rest and the Tugaloo
crossroads is the story of Charles Kennedy Jarrett's family, a story
told in tax and land records, a handful of letters and legends. Although
the tax and land records show a slowly shrinking property, the letters
offer almost no clues as to the causes of this decline. The fact that
the South was economically devastated by the Civil War was surely a
contributing factor in the Jarretts' financial woes, which were worsened
by crop losses in 1865, 1866, and 1867. Since Traveler's Rest was no
longer at a crossroads, perhaps the lack of passersby had as much to do
with the Jarretts' fortunes as it did with the demise of the stagecoach
inn. In any case, the break-up of the South 's large plantations was, as
E.M. Coulter puts it, "inevitable" after the end of slavery. 1
It seems logical to connect the decay of Traveler's Rest as an inn
with a general decline in travel in northeast Georgia. Apparently, the
glorious "Grand Tour" of ante-bellum days was no longer so attractive to
those who could afford it (or not within the means of those who wished
to go). The Tallulah Falls Hotel, approximately 20 miles away, fre-
quently mentioned in early travel accounts, was defunct by 1874, when
George Walton Williams' Nacoochie and Its Surroundings referred travel-
ers to "Mrs. A's," six miles from the falls. Mrs. A did not keep a
hotel, but "accommodates travelers to the best of her ability." Wil-
liams relayed the innkeeper's complaint that travelers were too often
fault-finding and that they should realize that in the upcountry towns,
- 200 -
no guests would come for days, and then they would come in a flood and
expect too much of their hosts.
The Civil War cost Charles Kennedy Jarrett his slaves, but it left
him with a good family and a sizable farm. He still owned several thou-
sand acres on the Tugaloo, but if the barns, bridge, and carriage house
were down, it would have cost quite a bit to replace them. The bridge,
at least, was replaced.-^
The South was a conquered territory, and a new relationship would
have to be established with the federal government. President Lincoln
had planned that formerly rebellious Southerners could regain full citi-
zenship by applying for a pardon and taking an oath to support the Con-
stitution and the Union. After Lincoln's assassination, President
Andrew Johnson continued this program of pardoning, although excluding
from amnesty 14 classes of persons who were required to write special
requests for pardon. Kennedy Jarrett wasted little time in dispatching
Georgia, Habersham County
To his Excellency Andrew Johnson President of the United
States of America The application of Charles K. Jarrett
of said County most respectfully sheweth, that he is forty
five years old five 01 inches high blue eyes. Auburn
hair fair complextion weight 175 lbs. Post office address
"Walton's Ford Habersham Co. Georgia" That he comes under
the first class of exceptions contained in your proclama-
tion of the 29th May 1865 by reason of having been the Post
Master at Walton's Ford Habersham Co. Ga. an office that he
had long held for the convenience of the neighborhood
before and after the beginning of the revolution. In the
year 1864 he was also purchasing agent buying beef cattle
for the use of the Army. With regard to the property qual-
ification. At the time the State of Georgia passed what is
commonly called the Ordinance of Secession, He was worth
more than twenty thousand dollars including slaves. He is
not now worth twenty thousand Dollars though other persons
might estimate his property worth more. No proceedings
have been instituted against him that [he] is aware of. I
ain a farmer by occupation. And now accept Lhe existing
state of affairs intending in Rood faith to abide the law
and the Constitution. As the best evidence of his future
conduct. He respectfully refers you to the annexed Oath
which he has sollemly [sic] taken and And [sic] intends
faithfully to keep, and observe. Therefore he most
respectfully asks, and makes application for pardon and
that he may be restored to the rights and privileges of a
Charles K. Jarrett
Aug. 18th, 1865 4
The acreage indicated for Jarrett in the 1870 Census Agricultural
Schedule (100 acres) cannot be correct, as it differs greatly from the
1870s tax digests (3,700 acres). The war had cost Kennedy considerably
in livestock. In 1870, he had four horses, five cows, two oxen, 11 cat-
tle, 30 sheep, and 80 hogs, and the family grew only 800 bushels of
corn, three bushels of peas and beans, 140 of oats, 10 of rye, 40 of
wheat, 20 of Irish potatoes, and 100 of sweet potatoes. The farm also
produced 100 gallons of molasses, 100 pounds of honey, eight pounds of
wax, 30 pounds of wool, and 400 pounds of butter.
The Census Population Schedule offers an idea of the plantation's
household. By 1870 Kennedy and Lizzie had four children, and also
residing with them were Lizzie's mother, two women named Duke, and a
black cook, Mickey Jarrett.
The 1870 Population Schedule also provides some scanty details con-
cerning a handful of the Jarrett and Prather freed people. A few of the
blacks had laboring skills which kept them out of the fields, including
Coleman Prather, a stone-and-brick mason; Mickey Jarrett, the Jarretts'
cook; Henry Jarrett, a miller; and Brown Jarrett, a blacksmith. Most,
however, are listed as farm hands. The Agricultural Schedules slightly
augment this meager information; while no freed people are listed in the
1870 schedule, four men are named in the 1880 one. "R. Jarrett" rented
a small farm of 20 acres, and James Prather, and William and Jasper Jar-
rett were sharecroppers. The latter three operated 15- to 20-acre
farms, on which they grew corn, oats, and a bit of wheat and sweet pota-
toes. William added cotton and sorghum to his production, as well as
This information, sketchy as it is, conforms witli the data which
appears in Alan Conway's The Reconstruction of Georgia . As that work
points out, Southern blacks and whites were bonded by proximity, affec-
tion, and economic necessity, simultaneously at odds because of racial
antipathy and conflicting interests. At the war's end, Georgia did not
immediately enact a harsh "black code" like Mississippi's, but the
state's grudging provisions for the freed people's legal status were
designed to keep "the Negro in political oblivion, social inferiority,
and superficial legal equality." In the emotional confusion of the sit-
uation, some white Georgians bitterly predicted race war or wishfully
forecasted black extinction. A writer in Clarkesville decreed: "The
race will die out — in 50 years a black face will be as rare as an
Indian's is now....""
The blacks' situation tended to substantiate old American ideas
concerning the importance of personal property and social mobility for a
free people. In short, what ex-slaves, whose training was almost
entirely farming, needed most was land. Unfortunately, those who held
the land had strong reasons for not wanting the blacks to obtain any of
it. On the one hand, the prevalent racial ideology included the belief
that blacks could not farm independently; on the other, the blacks'
acquisition of land would have necessitated some program of confiscation,
simultaneously rendering the much-needed labor force less available and
Sharecropping, the system arrived at for Traveler's Rest and for
most of the South, is explained by Conway as "a compromise which enabled
Southern whites to keep control of the land and with it Negro labor, but
also a system which enabled labor to be obtained without wages," for
which the landowners lacked capital. Sharecropping was a product of
necessity — as seen by the landowners — the necessity of preserving
white supremacy and holding on to the land. For the blacks, it was a
poor substitute for the acquisition of their own acreage. As a Georgia
planter observed in 1867, "They [the blacks] will almost starve and go
naked before they will work for a white man if they can get a patch of
ground to live on and get from under his control." An ex-slave added:
"As soon as we can buy two or three acres of land and build a cabin on
it, we will work for ourselves and work hard." Even those blacks who
managed to struggle into an economic position to buy land, however,
had trouble obtaining it from the reluctant whites.-*-^
When combined with the devastation of the backward Southern economy,
the blacks' economic helplessness and the whites' determination to pre-
serve it were sufficient to perpetuate Southern poverty for generations.
Both races were trapped — the whites surrounding themselves with "indo-
lent, thriftless, irresponsible tenants" whose attitudes could only be
improved by opportunities for social mobility, a solution the whites
dismissed out of hand because it threatened white supremacy. This trap
had unfortunate consequences for the people of Traveler's Rest, as the
economic woes of the South were visited upon the inhabitants of the Tug-
Apparently the Burnett Gold Mine no longer produced enough to keep
the Jarretts "flush." Here again, the documentary material is piecemeal
and disappointing, but the evidence does show that the Jarrett-Patton
partnership to mine the property continued. During the Civil War, in
September of 1863, Jarrett and James Patton made another agreement for
maintaining the partnership. The contract does not explain why a new
arrangement was needed, but since all the originally-named Pattons had
disappeared from the new document, it can be surmised that the former
partners had died. Patton and Jarrett agreed in this contract to work a
mine on 900 acres located on Bean Creek in Habersham County, "being the
tract or tracts recently owned by Jesse Siler, the late Patton, the late
D. Jarrett." Full authority was given to Kennedy to work the mine for a
quarter share for 12 years while Patton was to receive l/28th of all
gold or other metal mined. J -
A scrap of paper shows that in February of 1867, E.L. Patton and
C.K. Jarrett agreed to terms on selling the Burnett Mine; if they sold
it for $30,000, the two would receive a commission of $5,000 each; for
every additional $10,000, they would be commissioned $5,000 more.- 1 -^
These plans, however, were never consumated.
For a few years, Jarrett and Patton nursed high hopes that the mine
would make them a small fortune. By October of 1867, the men were
excited about a possible $100,000 purchaser from New York, and in a fit
of enthusiasm, Patton suggested to Jarrett that it might be wise to hold
out for $250,000, inasmuch as all New York was interested in Georgia
gold, or so Patton thought. Jarrett had apparently expressed some urgent
need to raise money, however, and was considering a Kentucky company's
offer of $30,000, for Patton requested that Jarrett hold out, if at all
possible. He even offered to buy out Kennedy's share for $30,000 if
Kennedy had to have cash so desperately, in order to prevent the latter
from selling to anyone else. -^ Instead of this course, in December of
1867, Jarrett sold Edmund Patton of Abbeville District, South Carolina,
one-fifth of the Burnett Gold Mine — "being two lots of land," Lots 23
and 24 in the third district, Habersham County, for $3,840. This
transaction, however, did not involve the total of the Jarretts' inter-
est in the Burnett Mine, and on February 18, 1871, E.L. Patton wrote to
Kennedy that he was not "adverse" to leasing the Burnett Mine for a
short time. Patton was much more eager to sell the property, though,
saying that if they had to rent, it would be preferable to do business
with the "man from New York City" rather than with the "German," who
might be an "adventurer." Patton urged Kennedy not to become discour-
aged, noting that "the mine is immensely valuable, and can be sold for,
at least, one hundred thousand dollars." The property would be even
more precious after the Atlanta and Charlotte Railroad and the road from
Athens to Clarkesville were completed . *■*
An 1872 letter to [illegible] in New York City from Kennedy Jarrett
also involved the Jarrett gold. He wrote:
I have visited the Nacoochee Gold Mine for specimens
to send you. But there being no work going on and the
tunnels being all filled up I could not obtain a suitable
specimen. I expect to commence again there about the
first of next year when I shall be able to send you speci-
mens [illegible] the mine. 16
The family letters suggest that Jarrett went to New York in the
1870' s, but if so, he failed to sell the mine while there. Shortly
after his death, Lizzie deeded her family's remaining share to A.K.
Childs and Reuben Nickerson of Clarke County, for $1,500. The deed says
that Elizabeth "assigns twentieth one undivided six (6/20th) interest in
lots 23 & 24 in 3rd district of originally Habersham known as Jarrett 's
Gold Mine (500 acres)."-*-' So far as is known, this transaction ended
the Jarrett family's career in gold-mining.
Not one to give up his wealth easily, Kennedy Jarrett tried a num-
ber of plans to reverse his family's dwindling fortunes. Realizing the
importance of re-establishing the Tugaloo crossroads, he took an active
interest in the arrival of the railroad. The Atlanta and Richmond Air-
line Railroad Company was formed in 1870, in order to complete a line
between those cities, through the Tugaloo area. Perhaps because the South
was so economically troubled, however, the tracks only reached the spot
which then became Toccoa by the summer of 1873. Tracks were to run
right across the Jarrett farm, and in August of 1871, Jarrett sold 500
acres of land just east of Toccoa to the A&R Airline Railroad for $750.
On the same day, he deeded the railroad 100 feet on each side of the
projected tracks in return for $5.00 and the benefits he would derive
from the construction of the railroad. In addition to securing free,
lifetime passes for his family, Kennedy was apparently interested in
having the tracks close enough to Traveler's Rest so lie could hear the
trains go by. 18
In October of that year, Kennedy wrote to an acquaintance, the
Reverend CD. Smith, about the proposed route. Jarrett pointed out that
"crossing the Tallulah Cr. near the juncture of the two rivers, passing
within two miles of this place, striking the ridge between the Tugalo
and Broad River, some 8 or 9 miles from here" would be a considerably
.shorter route than the proposed one by way of Tallulah Falls. 1 '' Actually,
the Atlanta & Richmond Airline Railroad crossed the Tugaloo just below
Ward's Creek, then it crossed that creek and ran along it toward Toccoa.
During this same period, Kennedy also looked into getting the Tuga-
loo River improved for navigation. Progressive Southerners had realized
that one key to the recovery of the South' s economy lay in programs of
internal improvements. During these years of "Reconstruction," the
United States Congress had acquired the habit of handing out subsidies
to encourage the development of the country; unfortunately, most of
these appropriations went to the West and not the South, even after the
Presidential election and the Compromise of 1876, which guaranteed
internal improvements for the South. The defeated section was not well-
favored in Republican circles; therefore, when Kennedy approached his
congressman, H.P. Bell, about improving the Tugaloo in 1874, he was
doomed to disappointment. Bell replied that appropriations could not be
had in the current session, but advised that Jarrett continue his
efforts. Kennedy did so, as a follow-up letter from Bell in the winter
of 1874-75 attests, but apparently the results Kennedy expected did not
occur. ^ u
Perhaps the depression of the mid-1870s made Jarrett desperate.
Clearly, he was casting about for ways to make money during this time.
A curious letter from an A.R. Ewing in November of 1876 shows that Jar-
rett was looking far and wide for economic opportunities. Ewing, "com-
fortably seated in front of one of my Patent Chimneys," wondered if Jar-
rett would be ready to start selling them soon. Kennedy was offered
"full control of the state" as his sales territory. Ewing apparently
was a family friend, for he concluded: "When is Sally G. coming — all
join in Love to all." No other evidence has been found regarding this
enterprise, however, so it probably did not flourish. 21
In March of 1876, Kennedy ended his 10-year retirement from the
postmastership. The Walton's Ford post office had been discontinued at
Jarrett's retirement during 1866, but it was reinstated later that year
with J.T. Mulkey as postmaster. Mary Duke, a Jarrett dependent, became
postmistress the following year, but the office was again discontinued
in 1869. Mulkey was re-established in a couple of months and held the
post until Jarrett returned to the position in 1876. The name of the
station was changed to Tugaloo in 1874, and Charles Patton Jarrett suc-
ceeded his father as postmaster in 1879.^2
The family letters provide a few glimpses of the Jarretts' personal
lives. The girls were sent to school in Athens, and the boys were sent
away to school, also, perhaps attending Americanna School near Adairs-
ville, Ga. In 1874, Kennedy got a letter from the master offering to
receive Jarrett's sons at any time: "I have a very clean set of boys
and young men with me now," he stated, "and think your sons will find
their associations here very pleasant, while I will do all I can to pro-
mote their intellectual and moral culture." Kennedy may have decided
against Adairsville, however, for it appears that Charles Patton was
already attending college at Athens. A letter dated April 27, 1872, to
Kennedy from Miller Lumpkin offered to get young Charles a scholarship
to Athens, and to qualify, he needed only to be able to read and
"cipher." The Jarretts apparently applied in haste, for the acceptance
of 14-year-old Charles Patton is dated May 1, 1872. 23
Other family letters written during the depression years give
impressions of life during Reconstruction. The family appears to have
been struggling to adjust to an economic decline — but certainly not
having "to do without," as were many neighbors. A letter from Grace
Lucas to her daughter "Lissie" [Lizzie] at Traveler's Rest, dated
December 7, 1866, is interesting. Mrs. Lucas showed a 19th-century per-
son's preoccupation with health: "Lissie's" brother was suffering from
"gastrick fever," confined to his room, and not expected "to be himself"
until after Christmas. As for Grace herself, "I am taking a bad cold
but hope to avert it by taking gum goaccum. ..." She planned to visit
the Tugaloo as soon as would be convenient to Lizzie, and she asked her
daughter to make Sally Grace, Lizzie's 10-year-old daughter, a "cloack
or jack" out of Grace's old cloak. Lizzie must have still done her own
sewing, for her mother continued, "I have sent some scraps of cloth &
have some more for you which will help to make it out but I think you
can get a sack cloth out of it and trim it with velvit [sic]."^
Apparently some hogs had recently been slaughtered at the Jarrett
farm, for Grace commented, "I wish we had some of your hog killing
doings here. Fred has no hogs to kill he had three to kill but killed
them some time ago." The Jarretts also slaughtered some sheep, about
which Grace queried, "Did you try any mutton hams, they are as good as
Lizzie's mother was also helping with preparations for Christmas at
I will try to get some little things for the Children,
there was no money left after getting the things you wrote
for, I borrowed three dollars and a quarter from Brother
Jefferson, two dollars for a pair of shoes for Charley and
one and a quarter to pay Mr. Weatherly for tuition. I
have two dollars that I borrowed from Frederick which I
Intend to get some things with for the Children for Christ-
mas. I want to go into town [Athens] tomorrow and get
them & leave them at the store so they can be sent by the
first opportunity, I wish I had money to get you a good
many things, did the things I sent in the bundle get there
safe [They were to be sent from the Lucas store in Athens
by wagon up to the Tugaloo.].... I sent some clothes and
a good many other things, some little doll things and rib-
bons I believe for Sally G. Sally ought to have some
flowers in front of her hat or some small plumes.
Grace added in the letter that she would buy as many "things" as "my
money will get which will not be much."
Another letter from Grace, written five years later, continues the
saga of Jarrett family life. It, too, stresses matters of health:
My Dear Lissie
I intended to have written you a long Letter this time
but have Commenced this for a note only as I do not feel
well enough to write much. I hope I shall get a letter
from you this evening as it is regular Mail Day, I was up
at Sarah's on Saturday evening I did not go in the house
as it was late, she was looking for Mr. Prather home that
evening but I have not heard wether [sic] he came or not
She said she would send me word how you all were, I want
to hear how you all have got with your Colds, and how
much Sally Grace weighs and how tall and large Mary Lis-
sie is as you have never sent me her Measure yet, did
Sally G Come home and how did her and her visitors enjoy
themselves did they go to the fall tell Sally to write
to me and give me a description of the trip and the names
of the Company that came home with them did Charly [sic]
and Freddie go with them — have you any school at there
yet if you do not get a Teacher before Commencement I
expect you can get a good one among the Graduates, what
church does Sally attend I hope she has not lost any of
the good impressions made on he[r] mind two years ago,
how does »"he Preacher Mr. Worley get on with his congre-
gation I hope they are all doing well, there is a great
Italian [?] or something now in Augusta quite a number of
Athenians returned yesterday Monday, the schools gener-
ally had and are still having Picknicks [sic] instead of
May parties they have one they call a festival but have
no queen it is great saving of expense, I told your Aunt
Mary and Helen what you said about going to the Franklin
Springs they say it is two [sic] lonesome and solitary
they say all you invalids ought to go to the liveliest
place you could find to cheer up your spirits, Helen is
not well. She looks very bad indeed she is almost as
poor as I am, and Dick [?] is sick with a bad cold, he
Just returned from Canida [sic] a few day past and took
a Violent Cold. The knight [sic] before he got home he
said he did not have a pain nor on the while he was gone,
he Laid down and went to sleep and sombody [sic] hoisted
a window over him and he has a most dreadful Cold your
Brothers family are all pretty well my health is not verry
[sic] good nor has it been for some time, I wish I knew
whether you were going to the Springs or not and if you
are when you will go as I want to go by Mr. Clevelands to
see sister if I can Frederick says he will send me there
any time that I wish to go. I do not feel well enough to
travel much now without it was in a comfortable way, Can-
not you come down your self and stay a while it would help
you as much as the Springs at present and go to the Springs
in the heat of Summer Come if you possibly can Mr Single-
tons health is verry bad indeed She [sic] cannot walk
across the room without help and she has a dreadful Cough
Mat thinks of going to see he [?] next week She is in
Griffen [sic] at Mr Winkfelds.
Sue Kellom [?] is no better do not think she will ever
be able to get away from Macon there is a great Deal I want
to write if I could think of it let me know if you come
down or if you can meet me at your Aunties when will Mr.
Jarrett come down when any of you come put a pillow in the
Carriage, how is your Fruit and Vegetable did the Frost
injure them tell your Folks to raise a great many Toma-
ttoes [sic] how did your potted Fruits keep, if it is Con-
venient have two pair of gine cotton stockings knit for me,
tell my Dear Boys they must make a crop of Some king [sic]
how does their Ducks Come on and how many Chickens have
they and who is the chicken feeder Freddy is the chicken
raiser he takes care of the eggs sets them and takes them
off when they hatch they have upwards of a hundred chic-
kens whitish or gray Colour something like Mrs. Kellys
only larger they must give Mary Lissie one hen and Chic-
kens and let her have the proceeds of it for her own all
your kinsfolks and Friends here send much Love to you and
I do the same I wish I was at home with you all my Love to
all and every body that knows or cares for me, I am at
Brothers at this time they are preparing to Lay the corner
stone of the Souldiers [sic] Monument on Friday next I
expect there will be a great many people here to see it it [sic]
will be put where the Old liberty pole stood I have not
written half what I want to but must stop for want of
strength to proceed Bless you all your affectionate
Mother. G Lucas^
Lizzie Lucas Jarrett always seemed to be in bad health, and to com-
bat her chronic illnesses, she would try to recuperate at a health
springs. Three letters among the Jarrett family papers were written
from Lizzie to her husband and mother from Franklin Springs, a sizable
health resort nine miles southeast of Carnesville. On Saturday (no year
given), Lizzie wrote to Grace:
Ma, You don't know how bad & lonely I felt after Mr.
Jarrett left me [at the springs] that day — the Baby
[Mary Elizabeth] cried to go home to see & Grand Ma & all
the folks & her daughter & poor Buddy Freddie & Charlie &
Cousin Mollie was a bad girl didn't put any pockets in
babys apron. Mrs. Duke cried too, but she has got recon-
ciled. & I laughed and cried too. I thought it best to
stay, but I don't think it will do me much good.
She had been "right sick" the night Kennedy left, she said, "& on
friday was quite sick with one of those weak nervous spells and bad
feeling in my stomach & breast." Lizzie apparently knew what to do in
the face of such distress, however: "Mr. Bond gave me some Asafoeteday
& taking other things I got over it and slept well last night." Her
weak stomach prevented a healthy appetite. Half-hearted about her stay
at Franklin Springs, she said in one sentence she might as well go home,
and the next, she suggested that Sally Grace get her father to "bring
her and her books down here." Lizzie's unpunctuated style of writing
touched upon many aspects of her life:
Tell Mickey [the cook] to Make a nice loaf of Bread &
send down by Mr. Jarrett if the flour is not nice enough
get enough of nice to make a loaf & send a part of it. I
guess all got back from the shore I was sorry Mrs. Duke
could not go I do want to see you all so bad I have been
uneasy about you fearing you would get sick but be careful
with yourself & maybe you will get on a spell. I wish you
could be down here I think it would help you. The baby is
fat as she can be she talks about you all all the time....
There is a Jar of Marshmellons in Brine [probably pickled
watermelon rind] in the pantry I think if they are not all
spoilt fill one of those small gallon jars with some of
the nicest & send down by Mr. Jarrett when he comes down
.... T wish I had some of the bitters Dr. Doyle gave me
but T cannot get it now & I'll get some from Athens this
On Sunday evening, Lizzie wrote to "Dear Father," apparently her
nickname for her husband: "You don't know how lonely I felt after you
left me that morning. The baby cried to go home with Father. Mrs. Duke
cried & I had to do all sorts of aways to keep from crying right it is
so lonesome. ..."
Mrs. Williams, the landlady at Franklin Springs, was nice, Lizzie
said, but in bad health:
. . . almost as bad as I am. & we have no way to take any
exercise only to walk & we have not much strength for that
& it has been so cool I can not take much water not over a
dipper full in the day if that much & then even it makes
me feel an oppressed or crowded feeling in my stomach. I
have no taste or relish for water at all though I drink as
much as can & try to get better....
Lizzie went on to suggest that she would like to come home to "you & the
children," and indeed her plight appears pitiful:
You don't know what a desolate feeling it is to be away
off from home & family sick like I am if I felt that I was
improving any, it would be different but as it is, I don't
see much use in staying here on expenses, but it seems that
I am just an expense now any how, & any where, but if we
had a school here & I could have the children with me, &
see you I could do better, but dear Father to be from there
all the time now, when I feel so bad, & feel that I cannot
get well, & will soon have to leave them forever & when
there [sic] company & yours would be such a great comfort
to me, is a sad desolate feeling....
Nevertheless, Lizzie reconciled herself to staying at the springs.
"I will try to be satisfied ... I wish I had some of the Bitters Dr.
Doyle gave me. I have only Dogwood now." She cheered up then and made
a few requests: "I wish T had some of our grits ground fine & some more
of that beef — if there is any bring me a piece of it, I'v [sic] no
fish nor squirrels yet, & bring me a bottle of whiskey.' About this
time, Kennedy wrote to daughter Sally Grace: "Mother & Baby is at the
Franklin Springs -- will not be here until you come home . . . Budy
[Charles Patton Jarrett] is suffering, Has two boils on Him."-"
Another letter from Grace I ucas to Lizzie on January 22, 1871, pro-
vides a further glimpse of the Jarretts during Reconstruction. She com-
mented that she expected a visit [in Athens] from the Prathers [Ken-
nedy's sister, Sarah Ann, and her husband, Joseph] and hoped:
... You would either bring or send Sally Grace with them to
go to school to Madam Scomaska. she has the reputation of
a first Teacher, do send her off somewhere that she can
have good advantages for she is loseing [sic] precious time
that can never be regained she is getting too old to lose
any more. . . .
The letter also mentions that "Mr. Jarrett" was about to go to New
York, and next Grace referred to "the Dear little Mary Lissie," who
later claimed not to have chosen that name for herself until she was
eight years old, having been born in 1866 or 1868. Grace passed on some
salutations, including one from an old friend, Mrfs?] Childs, perhaps
the wife of the Childs who bought the gold mine.
Do try to send them furs down as soon as possible and 1
will get yours made anyhow and Sally Gs if I can and get
some more skins if you can. . . . Tell Mary Lissie never mind
she shall have a fine horse and saddle when she gets large
enough to ride.... And sister Sallie shall have one also
and when Brothers are done going to school they shall have
a fine horse and saddle apiece and ride with their sisters
to church and anywhere they please....'
In 1875, Lizzie received from her concerned brother, F.W. Lucas, a
letter in which he said he had heard that Kennedy's bridge (in Clarkes-
ville?) and "part of his land is advertised for sale and imagining that
you are all in trouble." Lucas would have been glad to lend them some-
thing, he said, but was himself broke. This came during the national
depression of the mid-1870s, which hit the South especially hard. Lucas
wondered if Kennedy was selling to meet old debts, which he thought had
been paid, and he advised that it was a rather bad time to sell at pub-
lic auction. Jarrett, Lucas said, should pay off the debt with some
kind of property at "fair valuation rather than have it sacrificed."
Apparently Lucas found relief from the troubled times through religion:
"We had a glorious meeting at our church a short time since when the
holy spirit was manifest in our midst."
Returning to the family troubles, Lucas commented, "He [God] may
find it best to take our property in order to humble us ... and to save
our souls and to save our children." No post-Civil War evidence remains
concerning the stagecoach tavern or the country store, but it is possi-
ble that the harsh times of the 1870s may have driven them out of busi-
In 1874, the Jarretts had their last child, George Devereaux.
While the older boys attended the state college at Athens, Lizzie appar-
ently brought the children to live there during the school term. The
following letter was written to Kennedy, who remained at Traveler's
T wrote this morning but did not say all I wanted to
say — I wanted to tell you we could not all go in the
wagon at one time, there will be 8 of us & Sarali wants her
trunk & we will be obliged to carry some of our clothes
cant help it we must have them & then about the house it
will be bad to have to pay rent for the two months we are
gone, it will not do, I was just thinking if you could rent
the house from the time in July we go home till winter it
would be better for me & all but the boys to go home & stay
I can do more at home than up here but if 1 come back I
shall take boarders get Mr. Winefry to attend to it & col-
lect the board for me, I am so uneasy about you have not
heard a word from you since you left us & have heard such
bad accounts of freshets the Bridge, railroad, Wheat, &
every thing else that it keeps me almost in a fever, write
to me all about it or get Cousin William to write tell him
not to send any more papers for we do not get any at all.
What have you done about the Dooly case get it all fixed
right father before you leave get it done yourself & dont
trust any one you know every one is for himself & you will
have to start up here before the first Teusday [sic] & if
there is a single gap left open they will jump right in try
& get it fixed up. Chickens up here are 20cts & very
scarse [sic], no butter no eggs, dont know how they would
sell, every one is busy as can be getting ready for Com-
mencement. I am sitting up in my soon old dress & look
like a little whipperwill I am so thin but I will soon fat-
ten up, am getting a good appetite & getting so can walk
about & will do the best I can for us all. I can eat meat
& corn bread there have been some nice Beef & Mutton bu t I
didnt get any. You had better bring what eggs, butter, &
chickens you can from home, for you cant get them nor fresh
meat without money — & bring all the vegetables you can —
cabbage, beets, potatoes (irish) & any thing else you can
get, apples too for we can cook them & every thing of that
kind has to be brought up here you will have to begin sev-
eral days ahead to get up what you need. That Miss Julia
Wills that was so sick when you were here died this morning
she was taken sick before George was. George is as fat as
he ever was I believe, he is doing finely Baby is improving
too both have splendid appetites. Let me know about the
cloths for Charlie P immediately, if you have got no money
I dont know what they will do for Bud has to speak & I
think Freddie too. They all have to be out on the stage,
let me know what to do. Ill send him out to see if he can
get a cheaper suit, but he thought that was a good & a
nice suit too. & would last well. I hope you have been
successful in finding some one who wants to get a mine or
will let you have something for it Col Hand & his party
have not returned yet. I didnt know they were gone till
today, have some more Honey taken before it gets too late,
ours is nearly gone. bring us butter & eggs if you dont
chickens, but T think if you can you had better bring all
from home. Tf you cant leave home or Clark s ville [sic]
til] after the first Teusday [sic] in July you had better
let Jack or some one who knows the fords start Friday with
the wagon for we have nothing much here to eat now I will
write I dont [want] to worry you dear Father but it is so
far off — & I cant see you & when you were hear [sic] it
hurt me to talk or any one to talk to me & these things
ought to be attended to before sunday week as that is the
commencemen t Sunday, first Sunday in July & it is nearly
here so please write just as soon as you get this, & tell
me your plans How is Brother Patton. give our love to him
children all send love to you & all, write immediately or
get Cousin W .
I wish I was with you tonight or all the time for I know
you bothered almost to death, & the way we are fixed up we
can be not much comfort to you.
Good night darling, your
Among Kennedy Jarrett's papers can be found a highly interesting
character evaluation, "a "Phrenological Chart of Character" by William
A. Lore. Kennedy's skull contours apparently produced this evaluation
of a long list of qualities. He was only "moderately" endowed with
"veneration," "tune," and "marvelousness , " and he was "average" in his
secretiveness , destructiveness , "ideality," weight, time, and "eventual-
ity;" but fully "pro-genitive," "inhabitive , " concentrative , "alimenta-
tive," acquisitive, self-esteemed, conscientious, benevolent, construc-
tive, mirthful, "localized," "languaged," and "causualtied . " When it
came to "amativeness , " "adhesiveness," combativeness , cautiousness,
"aprobativeness," hopefulness, firmness, "sublimeness , " imitation,
individualization, calculation, form, color, and order, Kennedy was
downright "large." Furthermore, he was "very largely" endowed with com-
parison and size. The phrenologist noted that Jarrett should marry a
person of "nevous [sic] temperment, and that Kennedy's own nervous temper-
ment "gives acute and fine preception [sic] with great mental activity,
but when pure, lacks the capacity for long endurance." 32
Perhaps this "nervous temperment" accounts for Kennedy's death at
the age of 58, but whatever he died of, it was apparently lingering and
painful. A letter that seems to be about his death mentions a visit to
the unknown writer in Orlando, Florida:
When he wrote me he was going to be operated upon 1
gave him up, for I felt sure he could not stand it; he had
one very severe spell while he was here, sometimes I did
not think he could stand the suffering many hours, but Mr.
Austin bathed him every night, and we all waited on him
day and night — rendering every possible comfort .... 33
Kennedy's main concern seems to have been that "he might somtime
[sic] become a burden to his children...." The Jarrett papers yield a
yellowed newspaper clipping which includes an obituary for Kennedy. In
a typical, flattering style, it is an outstanding example of late-19th-
century journalistic prose:
Death, has again visited the house of affection, and
borne their best loved one away. How strange it seems, how
hard to realize, that the form of one who has been associ-
ated with our childhoods earliest recolections [sic] now
sleeps in the silent tomb. Mr. C.K. Jarrett, whose name is
a synonym for tender hearted kindness has gone from us for-
ever. Death came as a strange guest into the family cir-
cle; although the weary sufferer had been fading from their
sight for many days, yet when the messenger came and bore
the kind husband and loving father away, fond hearts were
shattered as if suddenly awaken [ed] to the 'coming of the
bridgroom [sic].' He will be sadly missed we know full
well, first, by the sorrowing wife who for twenty years
has walked beside him sharing his pleasures and weeping
his tears; Then by his children who will arise and call
him blessed, and again by the sick and suffering of the
whole community to whom he was ever an earnest sympathiz-
ing friend, his great heart reaching out to all who were
cast down. May the blessed reflection — that the dear
one is not lost but gone before — shed a bright rav of
and consolation through the gloom thai now oversha-
dows the desolate household. Oh, thou who hath said
far tli h.it h no sorrows that Heaven cannot heal, grant com-
fort to the bereaved, and mercifully show that whom thou
lovest thou scourgest. Telegraphy of soul to Heaven
should be so perfect that the subtlest touch of the hand
Divine should bid us respond. Speak Lord thy servant
heareth. Submission of our will to His, tunes our hearts
within us like a sacred harp that knows no touch, but
hands Divine; that breathes the melodies of Paradise
alone and throbs its most triumphant strains as earth
recedes and Heaven lies open to the view. Faith leads us
to believe that this was the blessed experience of this
noble man. . . .
Mamie P.*** 3 *
[The asterisks appear in
the clipping. ]
No will has been discovered for Charles Kennedy Jarrett, but the
following is his appraisement, dated August of 1877:
one yoke of oxen
2 broken wagons
1 old stage
1 spring wagon
1 old buggy
1 corn sheller
1 lot of hogs
9 sheep (in the woods)
Bull, Cow, & calf
Red Bull, cow and calf
red sided cow
pided [?] Heifer
mare & colt
light bay mule
1 feed cutter
lot of plows and
lot weeding hoes
cross cut saws
knives, 2 aug-
ers, hand saw
& foot adge
21 bushels oats
lot of boxes
gin at Prather's
threser [sic] at
set wagon geer
scythe and cradle
Number of Acres in
400 acres on Clarkes-
ville Road where
Wm. Clark now lives 800.00
one note on J.E.
Rutherford for 200.00
One bark mill & one note on Jas . P.
other tanyard Phillips for 147-25
fixtures 20.00 another Rutherford
6 Be[illegible]ums 7.50
10 bushels wheat 10. 00 35
Chapter 10 : Traveler 's Rest During Reconstruction
1 Coulter, A Short History , p. 349; Alan Conway, The Reconstruction of
Georgia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1966), p. 117.
c George W. Williams, Nacoochie and Its Surroundings (Charleston, S.C. :
Walker, Evans & Cogswell, Printers, 1874), p. 24.
3 Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
4 Ibid .
5 Habersham County Tax Digest , 1872, District 440; U.S. Census 1870
Agricultural Schedule, Habersham County, p. 32.
" U.S. Census 1870 Population Schedule, Habersham County, p. 696.
7 Ibid . , pp. 90-96; 1870 Agricultural Schedule, District 130, pp. 31-
32; 1880 Agricultural Schedule, pp. 1, 3, 10, 12, 13. The Agricul-
tural Schedule also shows Colbert, Ben, Joseph, Jesse, and Sol Jar-
rett as sharecroppers.
° Conway, Reconstruction of Georgia , pp. 55-56, 62, 64, 68.
9 Ibid., pp. 72-74.
10 Ibid . , pp. 105-09.
H Traveler's Rest papers on microfilm, Historic Preservation Section.
12 Ibid .
14 Ibid . ; White County Deed Book A, p. 578.
15 Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
16 Ibid .
17 Habersham County Deed Book BB, p. 285.
Ibid . , an interview with Rose Jarrett Taylor.
19 Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
22 National Archives and Records Service, U.S. Post Office Records, Vol,
26, pp. 92-93; Vol. 42, March 13, 1874, March 23, 1876, February 15,
1877, January 28, 1879.
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section,
THIRD-GENERATION JARRETTS AND "THE OLD HOME PLACE'
Lizzie Lucas Jarrett became a widow in 1877, a woman in her early
50' s with five children ranging in age from three to twenty-one. The
oldest, Sally Grace; Charles Patton, in his late teens; and Fred Lewis,
who died a few months after his father, were born before the Civil War.
Mary Elizabeth was a spritely child of about eleven years, and George
Devereaux, apparently a pleasant surprise for his middle-aged parents,
was the much-loved baby.
The remnants of the Jarretts' economic mini-empire were thrust upon
the former "Southern belle," and with admirable practicality, Lizzie set
about turning most of the faded enterprises into cash, in hopes of main-
taining the farm while she reared her family. In addition to selling
her share of the gold mine for $1,500, she soon parted also with the Jar-
rett mine, receiving $1,000 from A.K. Childs, and within the next few
years, she sold about 2,250 acres of land for $7,700. [See Map 14.] In
spite of raising all this cash, however, the Jarrett family's economic
decline continued. Perhaps the Jarretts had developed a higher standard
of living than their income from the farm and the depressed Southern econ-
omy would allow.
According to the 1880 Census Agricultural Schedules, Lizzie Jar-
rett' s farm had 145 tilled acres and 3,000 acres in forest. By the early
1880s, however, the farm encompassed only several hundred acres, and dur-
ing the late 1880s and into the 1890s, the place totaled 450 acres. In
- 224 -
■880, the farm had two horses, four mules, two oxen, four milk rows,
five cattle, 28 hogs, and 125 chickens. It produced 150 pounds of but-
ter that year, along with 15 bales of cotton, 2,000 bushels of corn, 80
bushels of oats, and 105 bushels of wheat. Fifty peach trees grew on
the land, as well as 400 apple trees.
Although tradition has it that Lizzie mismanaged her farm, it
remained a good-sized enterprise with large harvests. In the late 19th
Century, the Jarrett corn-shuckings made a vivid impression on young
Mary Elizabeth. In later life, she recalled:
Large bonfires were built adjoining the cribs where
several thousand bushels were to be shucked, by both col-
ored & whites. Songs and music and whiskey was in evi-
dence. At the 'Big House' Traveler's Rest an enormous
supper was being prepared by negro women. When the corn
was shucked about two or three o'clock in the morning
they would catch the owner and ring and dance around him. ^
Like her brothers and sister, Sally Grace, the oldest child, appar-
ently enjoyed the best — if not more — that her family could afford.
''Daughter," as she was usually known by the Jarretts, went to school at
Madame Sosnowski's "Home" for young women in Athens. Among the family
papers are party invitations addressed to Sally, indicating that she may
have been an active "belle" in her own right. In the late 19th Century,
she lived mostly at Traveler's Rest, taking care of her feeble mother.
Existing papers indicate little about the second child, Charles Pat-
ton. Born in 1858, he was often known as "Buddy" or "Bud." He became
postmaster at Tugaloo in 1879 and held the position until 1883, after
which he lived for a time in Athens and Atlanta, although he always paid
his poll tax in Habersham County. In Athens, Charlie successfully
"engaged in the general delivery business." Perhaps a graduate of the
college at Athens, he never married.
Much more information has been found concerning Mary Elizabeth,
often called "Baby" by family members. Her "memoirs" relate a happy
childhood, and Grandmother Lucas claimed that "Baby . . . never cries
without she is hurt." According to a tract on her childhood by Ella
Cooper Garner :
A chubby, cheerful infant, Mary Elizabeth, lovingly
shortened to Mary Lizzie, grew into happy childhood.
The father died when she was five years old [inaccur-
ate; see footnote 6], leaving a vast stretch of ten
thousand acres of land for the frail widow to care for.
An older brother took over the family and attending
He saw to it that 'Baby' as Mary Lizzie was known to
her family, had pets of all kinds. Squirrells [sic],
lambs, pigeons, goats, pea fowls, and even a raven, were
in her household of pets.
Growing up in the surrounding countryside were young
friends. They gathered often and in the age old high
ceilinged rooms of Traveler's Rest, they played at act-
ing. Tableaus were the mode of the day. On one occa-
sion Mary Lizzie was playing the part of the Sleeping
Beauty. The stage was set, and the 'Beauty' was placed
on a cot for the benefit of the audience, which hap-
pened to be the neighbors. As the curtain rose, so did
Beauty, thereby spoiling the show.
Hoping to do better the next scene, a tea was in pro-
gress, by the young actors. Not enough training had
been given, however, for Mary Lizzie again exploded the
show with — 'Is this all we ' er [sic] going to eat?'"
Mary Lizzie wrote this quaint letter to her "Mama" in 1878
I want to see you so bad. I thought I would ask you
to get me a doll that is worth 25c ask Susy to show you
where the store is get the wax doll come home soon give
my love to Julie Christy tell her I want to see her.
Dont show any body this letter make Susy come home with
you Ask her if she went to the fair tell her that T
went. what did aunt Matt bring susv and Joe bring me
something nice. Send Love to .ill
Your Loveing [sic] daughter'
Mary Lizzie was sent to school in Athens at Lucy Cobb Institute and
Madame Sosnowski's, where "she stood highest in her classes, carrying
off most of the honors among the girls." The family papers include some
of her school notes and tests, one test in history containing the fol-
lowing remarkable questions: "What great general is buried in a coffin
made from the mast of a ship?" and "Who was it that swallowed the heart
of a king of France?" Unfortunately, the answers to these macabre quer-
ies are not given."
While Mary Lizzie attended school in Athens, her mother kept her
informed of news from home. The following undated letter from Lizzie
Lucas Jarrett to her daughter, probably written in the early 1880s, pro-
vides some interesting glimpses of life at Traveler's Rest during that
Dear Darling Baby
T know you will be disapointed [sic] when I tell you I
cant come down this week bless you [sic] Dear sweet little
heart Mama misses you so much, we all miss you from little
George says mama what shall I do for little sister I do
want her to come back so bad let her come back & play &
read with me. I went to the association saw so many of
Dear papas old friends Mrs Smith & family all went with me
in the wagon. She & the children & Miss Willow & Mr. Wil-
liford spent yesterday with us Willie P [Thomas Patton
Jarrett 's son] came in the evening & they all went to the
river & Miss Willow — Willie P — & all took a boat ride
Sallie Mass came Teusday [sic] night with Cousin
Ida to uncle Pattons. I spent today with them & they are
all coming down here tomorrow. Zaidie & children came
down this evening they are coming down too. Ill have a
housefull [sic] Daughter had not come yet look for her in
a day or two let me know what you need. You can take les-
sons in Elocution if you wish & music too. I wrote to
Miss Millie about the Music let me know what you would
besides what you study & all that you need & 111 get it
all fixed up I ought to have sent you some money but
thought Id go down this week. I will come as soon as I
can. & if you need any thing go to your uncle Fred & get
money tell him I told you — & Id return it when I came
down for books or any thing else you can tell Miss Millie
— what I say about elocution — or I can write to her
about it. I have no one here but Classe & Georgia Ann —
Jim & George Washington have been very sick. I thought
about you in the storm Saturday night & Sunday & won-
dered how you managed without Mama. Daughter said she
was awfully frightened. Willie Patton's corn was
injured more than ours I am sorry for him but he is
jolly. Tom Scott & Johnny Hunter dined with us yesterday
He was out electioneering. have you got your nice dress
from Cousin Fannie & how does it fit how do you like it
— get a sun bonnet from where they get theirs. Mary
Newton can tell you where — Write & let me know how you
are pleased & how fixed up & all about it give much love
to all & keep a world full of yourself all send love to
your own mama
Have you clothes enough & how does your aprons & under-
clothes do. Ill bring the rest when I come. Much love
to all the friends who were up here Dont let any one see
According to her memoirs, Mary Lizzie was a considerable coquette,
though given to great modesty in her youth:
Music was made by the fiddlers and Mary Lizzie contin-
ued to be the reigning Belle of the valley. When the
young men vied for her attentions, she coquetted with
One day she had a date to go to church with one fellow
she liked better than the others at the minute. About
half wa> up the road to the little country church attended
by the Methodists, they saw coming down the road toward
them a black splotch. As they drew nearer, they saw to
their horror that it was one of Meely's fatherless ones,
without a rag of clothes on!
Both Mary Lizzie and her Beau's faces turned redder
than the Fall leaves on an oak tree, and they looked like
Mary Lizzie was so embarrassed she never spoke another
word all day, and after that she would never go with that
boy again. ^
Such were the travails of Victorian chastity. Another passage from the
family papers elaborates upon Mary Lizzie's romantic "career:"
Mary Lizzie grew into beautiful young ladyhood. She
was known the country over for wit and beauty. No one in
the whole country had such glorious, wavy auburn hair.
Her blue eyes danced and sparkled in their mischevious-
ness [sic]. She was sweet and kind to all, but she could
use a sharp tongue when necessary.
Beaux without number surrounded her — she was known
as The Belle of Traveler's Rest. Many sued for her hand
Her brother was constantly teasing her. On one occa-
sion, when Mary Lizzie was most anxious to put her best
foot forward in entertaining an especially prominent
young Beaux [sic], her brother rowed them over to an
island in the middle of the river at its widest point.
Then on some pretext he left them.
He stayed away till almost dark, causing the young
Mary Lizzie much embarrassment. In those days unchaper-
oned couples were looked on darkly.
When he finally showed up the couple was distressed
beyond words -- on being reprimanded by the mother for
playing such a trick the brother replied — 'Little Sis-
ter paid me to do it,' whereupon Mary Lizzie chased him
with a broom. H
Such episodes may have been remembered by a much-older Mary Lizzie
with rose-tinted glasses. An actual corroboration of her attractiveness
can be found in an incomplete, unsigned letter written to her from Rome,
Georgia, in 1891. First, the writer expressed a wish to make another
visit to "Old Tugalo — a choice spot," and then reference was made to a
minor tragedy at Traveler's Rest, where "Mr. Adams had his poor little
finger cut off" at the mill. The writer was sure of the cause:
I guess you and Miss Eugenia was enough to excite a
poor old Bachelor till he'd loose [sic] control of head
and heart and hand and feet . I know if it had been me
I would have been ruined.
The writer, perhaps a minister, unabashedly declared his interest in
Mary Lizzie: "0 no, I am not going to fall in love with a long nosed
girl here. My big long nosed girl on Tugalo is about as much nose as 1
can bear." The outcome of this romance is unknown. ^
George Devereaux Jarrett was, by all accounts, the family's "fair-
haired boy." Born in 1874, little "Georgie" had the benefits of three
mothers and, after 1877, no father. He, too, went off to school, proba-
bly in Athens. Like his sister Mary Lizzie, George apparently enjoyed a
relatively carefree youth at the Tugaloo. One picture of his family's
life in the late-19th Century can be found in a letter written by George
to his mother and sisters at Traveler's Rest. Written at a camp where
Charles P. Jarrett and Sam Adams were working on a contract for a rail-
road sometime in the late 1880s or early 1890s, the beginning of the let-
ter is lost, unfortunately, and no location is given. The remainder
provides an entertaining account of George's life in camp:
... all howdy she's doin jes tollerbul,' she's been in the
woods ever since she left home. Says she has seen water-
melons enough pass here to damn [sic] up Tugalo river.
Just train-load after train-load of watermelons pass
here every day going north. I reckon Bud [Charles Patton
Jarrett] is enjoying himself at home. he left here Wed-
nesday and has not put in his appearance since.
Aunt Manda says to tell Uncle Henry's Lizzie to pick
her enough blackberries to make about four gallons of wine
and get the sugar and make it and she will pay her when
she comes home .
Mr. Adams says maybe he will be over in that country in
a few days.
Aunt Manda says tell Jaspers Mandy howdy; to write her .
We are situated in the majestic forests of the Empire
state of the South where Tecumseh and the screech owls
held undisputed sway so recently followed by tigers and
polecats; and when we hear the grand old watermelon trains
come roaring up and see Arch and all the mosquitos [sic]
that ever died had suddenly come to life and were taking
vengeance on us for their murder.
Oh! This is a sentimental place here surrounded by
dump carts, wheel barrows, axle-grease, all the constitu-
tions for the last century; all the rusty nails, maddocks,
wrenches, chains, bolts, taps, brads, rings, plows, hooks,
whetstones used in the manufacture of Noah's ark.
And we are eased to sleep by Arch's musical laugh with
a dozen others and the pleasant reverberations of the
passing watermelon trains on the Great East Tennessee,
Virginia, and Georgia Rail-Road, etc., etc., etc.
We have two beds, one in a wagon body, the other on
some planks. We also have in the tent about 30 bushels of
oats, 3 bushels of rusty tools in a Smith's bile beans box.
4 cracker boxes, a saddle, in numerous small boxes to hold
about a peck 13 packs for dump carts, two or three dozen
shoes, 5 lanterns, two trunks, 2 valises, an umbrella and
a looking glass all in a tent 9x7 feet together with
socks, peach-cans and dirt. Oh! there's no place on
earth like it. 13
A letter from June of 1890 indicates the type of guest-entertaining
roles the "manor house" was performing in the late 19th Century. Helen,
in Atlanta, wrote to "Cousin Lizzie," asking if her family could stay at
Traveler's Rest that summer. "Are you going to take boarders this sum-
mer" if so, will you board us for 2 weeks? What would be your group
price for five of us?" Clearly, Traveler's Rest had come far from the
days of the wayside inn, but nonetheless, this and other letters indi-
cate that the large old house remained an attractive retreat for the
Jarrett family and friends. Helen added the conjecture that "George of
course he is wild over his freedom and delighted to be home again."
George did well in school. He set his sights then on West Point,
becoming a participant in the Southerners' return to military patriotism
in the late 1890s. Passing his entrance exams, he gained admission to
West Point in 1894 and went off to learn the "trade." "He was handsome
in his West Point uniform," it was said.
While George studied and drilled, his middle-aged brother Charlie
fought "consumption" -- tuberculosis. The struggle was arduous, and
by November of 1897, Charles decided on a strategic change of climate,
retreating to Silver City, New Mexico. Two letters have been found which
were written to his mother during the winter of 1897-98, the first indi-
cating that he was at least healthy enough to ride and court. He was
surprised, if not shocked, by the riding style of his woman friend, how-
When her horse was brought out — it had on a mans sad-
dle, she walked up and put one foot in the stirrup and
threw the other foot over just like a man, and rode
astride. They have suits made for that purpose and a
great many of the best people ride that way. It is the
custom and no one thinks any things about it. That like
everything else out here causes no comment and the neigh-
bors dont care what they do so long as it does not concern
Charles' letter of February reports that he had a fine time at a
dance: "If I stay out here next winter I think we had better get an
Adobe and all kinder [kind of] camp out in this country next winter."
Instead, during the following summer, Charlie came home to die. A let-
ter from September of 1898 mentions that "Bud's" mother and sisters
nursed him day and night for weeks, "knowing all the time that it would
be impossible for him to recover." As the letter points out, the Jar-
retts' only consolation was their religious faith. A family friend who
wished to comfort the family during their time of sorrow sent the fol-
Go tell it to Jesus
He knoweth thy Grief
Go tell it to Jesus
He'll send the relief
Go gather the sunshine
He sheds on the way
He'll lighten the burden
Go weary one, pray.l"
A 75-year-old scrap of newspaper in the Jarrett papers stated that
'clever Charlie Jarrett is no more:"
This announcement will carry sorrow to the hearts of his
many friends in Athens, who knew and loved him for his
many genial and charming traits of character. Mr. Jarrett
passed away yesterday morning at ten o'clock at his home
in Tugalo, Ga . , after an illness of several months. His
death was not unexpected and he was surrounded by his near
relatives when the last moment came. A few months since
he contracted consumption and sought to secure relief by
going west. His trip did him no good and a few weeks since
he came home to die. 19
George wrote home from West Point, describing his grief and urging
his mother to bear up and carry on. He commented, "John will have to
manage things for a while. Mr. White can help and advise him about
things he is in doubt about."
Devereaux Jarrett 's oldest son, Thomas Patton, died the same year
as Charlie Jarrett. He had farmed the Turnbull place for over 50
years. [See a listing of his estate in the appendices.]
George's attendance at West Point may well have "contributed signi-
ficantly to the family financial decline." Be that as it may, he was
graduated in 1899, 52nd in a class of about 80. Assigned to Cuba, he
arrived there too late to win any glory in the Spanish-American War, and
his military career, recounted in Walter L. Williams' article, "A South-
erner in the Philippines," was "in a military sense, not significant."
In Cuba, Georgie's greatest triumph was in wooing and winning Victorine
Paillett, a daughter of "a French diplomatic official turned plantation
owner." Letters indicate that "Victo," as she was known, was politely
received by the Jarretts when she visited Tugaloo with George on a
month's leave in 1901. Mama described Victo as "quite an artist ... she
is [a] sweet little girl & is learning english right well & fast ...
They seem devoted to each other. "•"
While not pursuing romance, George found time to serve on courts
martial, as supervisor of prisoners, and as ordnance officer. His let-
ters tell more of his duties than of his courtship, and in the Jarrett
photograph album are a number of pictures of George's Cuban assignment
Letters to George from home, mostly written by "Mama," "Baby," and
"Daughter," tell something of the life at Traveler's Rest at the turn of
the century. The earliest dated one is from "Baby," also called "Little
Sister," on March 27, 1899. In it, Mary Lizzie told of how continued
rain made it so that "the farmers can do nothing." The day before, she
had attended "preaching here yesterday." A call by a Mr. White, her
favorite su?'tor, was mentioned. "It was warm enough for us to sit on
the piazza," Mary Lizzie said. Mama's health was a topic of concern, as
usual: "I went to Toccoa on the freight train after some medicine for
Mama." An adventure had occurred worth relating, also:
Friday night an old tramp stayed here and he ate so much
supper that Daughter [Sally Grace] was sure he would be
sick, so in the night I heard her jump up and run to the
sitting room door and try to unlock it, and that waked Mama
and she jumped up (to make the fire) and Daughter said in a
very excited manner that the old man was bad off sick &
that he was calling some of us. She ran to Johns room
•** <•»/ ^»
Charles Patton Jarrett and unknown woman, perhaps at Tallulah Falls, about
1898. Back of the photograph reads, ^"He and his girl all alone. /Gloom and
splendor crowned their comely faces."
Left to right: Unidentified woman with dogs, Sally Grace Jarred and
Lizzie Lucas Jarrett, at Traveler's Rest, early 1900' s.
Charles Patton Jarrett in New Mexico for his "consumption," 1898.
4 pa^pBB^ffillSW smfflHU^
> P CJ
Lt. George, Lizzie Lucas and Sally Grace on front
porch at Traveler's Rest, early 1900's
Jarrett's Bridge [?], about 1900
Lt. George and Victorine in the Philippines, about 1903
Lt. George and Victorine Jarrett in Cuba, about 1901
[John B. Watson was living in the house and running the
farm at this time.] and made him get up to go up stairs
quick to see the old man. John grumbled as he went and
came on down stairs and Daughter (with her eyes as big as
saucers) asked him what was the matter with the old man,
He said he was sleeping so sound he hated to ask him.
Every body in the house was awake and ':earing around
except the old man who was quietly sleeping. Mama got to
fussing then about Daughter waking her and I went into
hysterics. You can't say tramp to daughter now.
Mary Lizzie concluded her letter with what George was accumstomed to by
now from his maternally-minded sister, "Every body sends love to our
precious darling sweet boy.'
Just before the turn of the century, Mary Lizzie chose from among
her suitors. As the "memoirs" have it:
After finishing school in Athens Mary Lizzie met the
distinguished Virgil Arthur White. Her heart fluttered,
but not her head. She was steady in her admiration for
him, and love blossomed.
They were married in the parlor of Traveler's Rest with
all the young folks the country round attending. There
were sad hearts among the young men, but they wished her
happiness. They wore their best grey suits to the wedding
with derby hats. The girls wore leg-o-mutton sleeves and
wide ruffles on their skirts. Arthur White was ever a
patient and loving husband. ^5
Born in 1860, White was postmaster of the Tugaloo post office, hav-
ing held the post since 1884, and thus must have known Mary Lizzie well
before she returned from Athens. Postmaster "or over 20 years, White is
shown on the 1900 militia district map as V.A. White, living at "store &
res." slightly southeast of Traveler's Rest, just across the railroad
tracks from Deercourt Station. 2"
Another perspective, and a more contemporary one, on the wedding of
Mary Lizzie and Virgil White is revealed by a letter to her from her
future brother-in-law, Samuel C. Adams. Writing from Pensacola, Flor-
ida, on October 18, 1399, Adams joked:
You ask me what I think of the match — it is all right
if you and Mr. White are satisfied — I see you have com-
menced to boss him already by pulling him off to toil his
life away in the city. — You say he has quit his cranky
ways — now don' t laugh at what T say -- has it ever
crossed your mind that you have grown cranky yourself and
don't see Mr. White's ways as you did several years back —
alls well that ends well crank or no crank. 27
Lizzie Jarrett's family made frequent use of the free railroad pass
acquired when her husband sold land to the railroad in 1871. Perhaps
Mary Lizzie and Virgil utilized it on their honeymoon or at a later
date, as the couple did find opportunity to travel. An undated letter
from Lizzie to Mary Lizzie was written during one such trip. Its con-
tents reveal the continuing hard times at the Tugaloo, as well as
Lizzie's willingness to share whatever she had:
My Precious Darling Baby
Mama is trying to write & It is a ' trying ' in fact for I
can neither think nor write. I have been better for the
last few davs — only weakness — & that has gone to my
head 1 guess as I cannot think of anything to say as usual,
this is a cold morning rather windy almost frosty day. It
rained a little early in morning — but sun shines bright
now, we have a gay time some days , folks arriving in to see
us to see how ' pretty ['] 1 am & how good & then they 'want
['] a 'little chaw of Backee ' & f'jchildren wants a little
piece of bread' — they dont trouble much tho
Lizzie Jarrett [Thomas Patton Jarrett's daughter] is at
home she & Gus called to see me I did not know her at first
— I believe she & Gus are going to marry Mack Jarrett is
terribly in love with Anna Turnbull . I hear of no wed-
dings. Had a big Strawberry Pie eating the last few days
— but today had berry eating — no Pie — had several gal-
ons [sic] of nice Berries all picked & capped nicely
brought to us we are canning them, they are not large — as
they used to be, but great many of them — we had for din -
ner not much & just as all was cleaned up some one came in
for something to eat there was an old lady & her daughter
Mrs. Cheek [?] called with some nice berries & we gave them
dinner & after they got through a darkie came in who has
been living with Willie Patton [Jarrett] for ten years --
on his way down to Willies — & he had dinner & now we have
one more to feed our cook she has been washing today — &
did not come in to dinner never does & has had none (din-
ner) yet we are going to have company now Mr. Edge — old
man Lit Edge [one-time Jarrett overseer] is coming, & just
as he was ready to go in came John Haddock [?] -- Mr. Car-
ter spent about half an hour or little more — & I think
that is a true list of our visitors — very interesting is
it not? You must write and let us know when to look for
you — want to know when — where & how to meet you my dear
darling child, we want to see you but must see — & know
all you can & enjoy it all for it is all dull here Zosie
[?] Ward has a beau a young widower — dont know his name
— a nice fellow they say.
It would give you trouble to go buying & trading &
daughter can get things we need in Atlanta -- just cloth
(white) & we have not money now & something to make me a
dress but dont want you to bother with it now I know it
would be a pleasure to you darling -- but mama knows it
would worry you so dont mind or think of it at all will be
so glad to see you & my boy Arthur [White] bless his dear
soul we are all very well — good bye — God bless you both
& take care of you & bring you safely home — your loving
Still in the Philippines in January of 1900, George received a let-
ter from his cousin Lizzie Jarrett, a school teacher in Mt. Airy, Geor-
gia. Having been at Tugaloo for Christmas, she wrote:
Well, I spent xmas at home but was sick most all the
time and didn't get to be with the folks very much. They
certainly had a big time I think thev had a dance ever)
night. I went to several but was feeling so tough T
didn't enjoy very much.
Lizzie wont on to claim that although she had not yet whipped a student,
"I always give it to them when thev need it.
George's letter to Sally Grace, addressed to "My Dear Sweet Little
Daughter," on March of 1900, expressed concern over Mary Lizzie's
health: "You must write to me and tell me how Little Sister is, what
she is suffering with etc. Do not allow any faith or so called magnetic
nonsense to he tried on her." Mary Lizzie was experiencing an attack of
"peritonitis," apparently an inflammation of her stomach lining, and a
letter from Sally Grace told George that "Little Sister" was almost
dying of the malady. ^ Mary Lizzie must have recovered rapidly, how-
ever, for in July of that year she wrote to George, "I have been busy
making blackberry wine. I have made sixty gallons, and Daughter has
made about forty. We are not going to get on a big spree." Perhaps it
was not peritonitis, after all. *
George's correspondence from his mother is not dated by year; but
from these letters it can be learned that Lizzie was not too old or fee-
ble to participate in canning. One letter to Cuba told "Little Georgie"
of her canning cherries, "rasberries [sic]," strawberries, and "huckber-
ries [sic]." On August 29, probablv in 1900, Mama mentioned a steady
flow of relatives visiting the Tugaloo area. Another letter told that
"times are hard in the country now Wish we could brighten it up — we
have had great rains & wind — crops not very promising — fruit doing
well — but vegetables no account . "
On June 6, a letter described a heavy rain that had hit Traveler's
Rest but none of the other farms in the area. The downpour had almost
produced a freshet, and it "looks as if a freshet was coming today,"
Lizzie said. She was not too worried to eat "plenty of fried chicken,"
however. On June 20, Lizzie described an overflowing Tugaloo River, the
creeks and branches being almost impassable, and a full-scale freshet
was feared. Some of the farmers had planted their cotton, and the "Bot-
tom lands [were] most all under water." She wrote: "We f eel interested
in our fish nets & traps fear they will be washed away & we all love
fish. wish we could send you a nice basket of our country dishes --
right hot & all fixed up our fashion . " A letter on January 25 reported:
"Some folks running around trying to sell cotton and many to get corn —
we have corn & have about sold what we can -- but so little money —
wish we had money plenty...."
Early in 1901, George and Victo left Cuba, spent a month at Tuga-
loo, and then went on to San Francisco and the Philippines. There, too,
George missed most of the action, arriving at the end of the American
suppression of the Filipinos' struggle for independence in April of that
year. He stayed in the Philippines until the end of 1903, serving as
ordnance officer, temporary post commander, and with the court-martial
One letter from Lizzie to George reveals that she still followed
politics — and with a discerning eye. Members of the United States
Senate were debating the passage of the treaty settling the late war and
endowing the United States with an overseas empire -- the Philippines.
Some Southern senators had argued that it would be a serious mistake to
acquire another population of subject "colored" people, and this reason-
ing brought the racial question into the Senate debate. Thus, Lizzie
wrote to George: "We can't tell from the papers much if anything about
the military affairs — but we look for terrible things as they are mix-
ing up color & polil ics. Though we want peace — we want it in a nice
Like most white Southerners, the Jarretts apparently wanted blacks
to be politically quiescent, but Lizzie's sarcasm about American terri-
torial aggrandisement is striking. As Walter Williams A Southerner
in the Philippines points out, George Devereaux Jarrett's letters home
often reveal a casual racism somewhat shocking to the modern reader.
George referred to the Filipinos as "a number of monkeys or other ani-
mals without reasoning power." In another passage, he sought to amuse
his mother with a "joke" about his pets: "With our two dogs and monkey
and ducks and chickens and filipino and chinamen we have quite a mena-
gerie, Haven't we?" Considering his opinions, one need not wonder why
George found the "white man's burden" too heavy to bear.-"
To ignore the offensive racism revealed in such comments, however,
would be to overlook an important aspect of the history of Traveler's
Rest — and of Southern history itself. Reared as slaveowners and
slaves, the Jarretts of both races paid the complex and bitter price of
their unfortunate historical relationship. At their best, three genera-
tions of black and white Jarretts lived through mutual support, but
all too often, however, the record reveals examples of condescending
noblesse oblige , as in Sally Grace's turn-of-the-century remark, "The
little 'niggers' have all paid their Xmas call and gone" — a revealing
statement of the races' love-hate relationship, their interdependency.
Another comment from the same era, by Lizzie Lucas Jarrett to George,
evokes a strong nostalgia: "We had a cornshucking , but not like the old
ones Jasper & Juber not there...."
All the information presently on hand concerning the late-19th-cen-
tury lives of the black Jarretts of the Tugaloo community comes from the
United States census records and Habersham County tax digests. The lat-
ter are available from 1872 through 1900, along with some property
statistics. These sterile numbers, however, provide sparse clues to the
existence and lives of these people.
The 1872 Habersham County Tax Digest reflects the continuing pater-
nalism demonstrated earlier in Kennedy Jarrett's contracts with the
freedmen (no women are shown in the 1872 digest) . For every group of
freedmen shown, a white "employer" is also named. The records were pre-
pared to enter various kinds of personal property, yet seven black male
Jarretts owned no property worth listing, but all paid the poll tax.
Employed by C.K. Jarrett were Colbert Jarrett, a farmer who was 33 years
old in 1870, still listed in 1880; and Harry Jarrett, listed as a 36-
year-old miller in the 1870 census, gone by 1881. Jasper Jarrett, a 32-
year-old farmer in the 1880 census, was employed in 187 2 by Will Young;
Bill Jarrett, a 62-year-old farmer in 1880, worked for L.F. Young. All
these men were married and had families. Thomas Patton Jarrett employed
Solomon Jarrett, a 63-year-old farmer, in 1880; Elizabeth R. Jarrett,
Robert's widow, employed Major Jarrett and Harry Jarrett [perhaps the
miller]. Each of the white Jarrett families employed blacks who were
not Jarretts, but their records have not been traced.
For the duration of the 19th Century, black Jarretts came and went
in the census records and the tax digests, and their efforts to accumu-
late property fluctuated dramatically, as did the American economy as a
whole. There were never more than eleven Jarrett blacks listed in the
tax digest (1877), and never fewer than four (1873 and 1886).
In 1874, six black Jarretts owned a total of $490 in unspecified
property. Brown Jarrett, listed as a 31-year-old blacksmith in the 1880
census, appears in 1874 for the first time, owning $60. Henry Jarrett,
worth $280, was by far the richest. The average property value for
these men was $81.61 in 1874, but it dropped to $26.36 in 1875 and did
not surpass the 1874 level until 1883. Henry Jarrett, perhaps the much-
loved "Uncle Harry" of the Jarrett legends, no longer appeared in the
records by 1881.
Long-term residents not already named include Ben, a 27-year-old
farmer in 1880; Snurl, who appeared in 1876 and lasted into the 1890s;
Juber, a farm hand, 17 years old in 1870; Jesse, a 60-year-old farmer in
1880; Butler, 30 years of age in 1880; Randal; Rachel, perhaps the 45-
year-old wife of Jesse in 1880, who appears in the 1889 tax digest as
the first woman property holder($175, mostly in livestock); and Joe, a
50-year-old farm hand in 1880. All the men were usually listed as hav-
ing paid the poll tax. "
Property for the black Jarretts was listed as "household and kit-
chen furniture," livestock, tools, and miscellaneous. Over the years,
Henry and Brown were the most prosperous. After 1883, the average prop-
erty-holding value dropped steadily to $49.75 in 1886, but the next year
it jumped to $94.25. Then the average mounted to $110.62 in 1889, only
to decline every year thereafter, reaching a dismal $12.62 in 1892 and
$33.00 in 1893. These were years of serious depression for the whole
nation, with Southern and Western farmers suffering especially hard
t i me s .
In 1895, the average black property holding began to recover, and
reached a new peak in 1899 at $159.89, with Brown Jarrett's $1,138 dis-
torting the average. Randal, who appeared in the records for a brief
time in 1876, returned in 1881 as the first Jarrett freedman to own land.
Holding 20 acres worth $100 in that year, he was not listed in the fol-
lowing year, but he appeared in the 1883 records without his acreage,
which had apparently been purchased by Brown. In 1884, Randal had three
acres; in 1885, neither he nor Brown held any, but in 1886, Randal once
again owned 20 acres. A year later, his 30 acres were worth $200, but
by 1890, the total was once again 20. So it went, and Randal had disap-
peared from the records after 1895. Manda owned two acres in 1894;
Brown was the owner of 100 acres in 1899. These figures show that
although the Jarrett freed people were able to accumulate a bit of prop-
erty throughout the late-19th Century, they had difficulty in retaining
it. Those with the most marketable skills, such as Brown and Henry Jar-
rett, were the most successful. [For a listing of this information, see
Lizzie and her daughters wrote to George in 1901 of the usual par-
ade of weather, illness, crops, and visitors. A letter written January
6 from Mama said: "Christmas has gone — the young folks had number of
parties & dinners [illegible] but none hear [sic] Mama [herself] could
not have them & so many of [them] wanted to have them here as they
always enjoyed them here." Lizzie's health was better than usual:
. . . though little Sister is quite sick in bed for about 5
or 6 days — she has been going to parties and took a cold
— affected her teeth, some Dentist — had filld & did not
half do his work — they inflamed & absess [sic] formed at
the root & in the roof of her mouth & then it seemed she
would go crazy — oh such intense pain & suffering & then
an attack of inflamation [sic] of stomack [sic] & Bowels.
To compound her problems, Mary Lizzie was also suffering from "a (bad
one too) nervous attack."
The family rapidly became dissatisfied with Ceorge's military
career. Letters from Georgia began to express wishes for his return.
Mama wrote, "Wonder when this foolish war will be over, soon, I hope &
then we will have a happy time at home all of us together." Apparently
George had been thinking of an early retirement, as he commented then to
Mama, "Daughter wrote that [she] wanted me to get a position in civil
life in the states. If I could get a good one I would gladly accept it."
He must have been considerably moved when his mother wrote: " The old
home l ooks real desolate — place all run down & worn out & not much
money — but I think when we all get well it will soon be right." She
also told of the boys hunting "turkey, possems [sic], etc." Sally Grace
wrote that John Watson was "still running the farm."
Unable to abide the South Sea climate, Victorine Jarrett returned
to the United States and Traveler's Rest in early 1903. George con-
tracted malaria at some point in his Philippine sojourn, but since the
serious illness is not mentioned in any of his letters, it seems likely
that it occurred just before he left the islands. He was then stationed
at Fort Logan, Colorado, where he was joined by Lizzie, Sally Grace, and
Victo. Mary Lizzie wrote to Colorado of her plans to visit Fort Logan.
Soon after, Victo returned to Cuba for a stay with her family. Tragi-
cally, the lingering effects of George's malaria destroyed what should
have been a joyous reunion. On February 15, George killed himself while
insane and suffering from the effects of acute malarial poisoning."
According to a military report:
Lieut. Jarrett had been on sick report since February 9,
1904; at the access of his fever, and while suffering, he
terminated his life.
His disease was contracted in the line of duty during
his long service in the Philippine Island. ^2
Victo did not learn of her husband's death until February 24. In
broken English, she wrote to Sally Grace the next day:
Yesterday came for me the terrible news! My hart fsic]
and life are broken; I cannot understand nothing except
that I will never see again my poor George. He died when
I was far from him, without I see him a last time! With-
out I know he was so sick....
Only you, you can imagine how I was sad to stay so long
away from my home! Every day I told to my sister, I must
not stay any longer here. I must go with my husband; but
I had no energy enough to go because my family dint [sic]
want me to go there during the winter and youself my poor
sister you wrote to me so many times, that it will be bet-
ter for me to wait a little longer.
I cant imagine that ... I left George healthy and look-
ing well and I will never see him again, fiere is no con-
solution for me and for you too.
I wrote this morning to Mrs. Williams and asked her
about you and mother. How are you? how is poor mother,
what she says? Does she understand the terrible malheur?
I want to see you so much and cried with you our poor
George, tell me what are you going to do? do you expect
to come back home soon? I will go soon that I will
receive your letter.
I have to think of poor Baby too, how she received this
new I will wrote to her to day and will do what she will
If you can, please write to me my dear sister soon as
possible and remember you that your sister loved you all
I want to see you soon, please write me or ask to some-
body to write me about you very soon my place is not here
but it is near you.
I wrote to you last Sunday. how you will be sad to
read my letter full of hope in the future!...
With a heart full of love from my family and from your
sister Victo Write to me soon. ^
The stricken Jarretts kept the news from frail "Little Mama," and
apparently Virgil Whi te and Mary Lizzie went to Colorado to bring home
Lizzie and Sally Grace, who were both ill. A relative named Marguerita
wrote to Mary Lizzie in Colorado of meeting the train with George's
"remains" in Atlanta. "Such a different homecoming from what we had all
planned," she lamented. Lizzie Lucas Jarrett died soon after the sui-
cide of her youngest son, and they were buried side by side.
Chapter 11 : Thlrd-generat ion Jarretts and "the Old Home Place'
1 See Habersham County Deed Books : BB, pp. 156-58, 255, 285-86, 485;
CC, p. 585; FF, p. 392; EE, p. 361; and White County Deed Book D, pp.
174-75 (500 acres in original Habersham County) .
U.S. Census 1880 Agricultural Schedule, Habersham County, District
130, p. 10.
-* Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
Ibid . Mary Lizzie Jarrett White was the source of this short paper
by Ella C. Garner. "Baby" was not five years old when her father
died in 1877, for she was born in 1866 or 1868 (see U.S. Census 1870
Population Schedule and cemetery records in the Traveler's Rest
papers, Historic Preservation Section.
' Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
lb id .
[bid . The John" referred Lo by George was John B. Watson, who
appeared in the Habersham County Tax Digest these years as the Jar-
z Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
24 Ibid .
25 Ibid .
Jarrett cemetery records, Historic Preservation Section; National
Archives Records, U.S. Post Office Records, Appointment of Postmas-
ters, Vol. 42, May 22, 1884; Vol. 68-A, July 20, 1905.
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
Williams, "A Southerner in the Philippines."
34 Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
Ibid. ; Williams, "A Southerner in the Philippines."
36 Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
37 U.S. Census 1870 and 1880 Population Schedules; 1872-1899 Habersham
County Tax Digests .
3 9 Ibid.
4(J Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
43 Ibid .
MARY ELIZABETH JARRETT WHITE AND JARRETT MANOR
After 1900, Traveler's Rest was several decades removed from the
wayside inn at the Tugaloo crossroads. Mary Lizzie recognized this fact
in 1915 when she changed the name of the old house to Jarrett Manor.
[See Map 15.] She and Sally Grace were the survivors of Kennedy Jar-
rett's family, Mary Lizzie being the dominant figure of the 20th-cen-
tury history of the site.
On the death of her mother, Sally Grace Jarrett finally relented to
the persistent courtship of Sam Adams, who had waited for her "yes" for
25 years. Annoyed by the large crowds at the big house, Adams built a
small cabin nearby, called the "son-in-law" house, though neither of his
parents-in-law was living at the time. Sally became known as the "lady
with the lantern," for leading wagons on the nearby road from the cabin
down to the river crossing.
In spite of the many tragedies in her life, more sadness awaited
Mary Lizzie. She and her husband lost more than one baby; then, in
1911, Arthur White himself died. Yet Mary Lizzie had plenty of Jarrett
spirit, and her subsequent career shows that she was undaunted by the
many tragedies. Her memoirs sum up "Baby's" response to her difficult
She had the care of the many acres thrust upon her. The
country store [White's store; see militia map], where the
countryside gathered and discussed the doin's of the day,
was now her responsibility. The community's Post Office, a
- 249 -
part of the store, made her Post Mistress of Deer Court.
Her friends feared for her safety when she would climb
the steel framework to hang out her bag of mail for the
baggage master on the trains to 'grab.'
She looked like a pioneer of the olden days. Racing
from this to that.
Her efforts were rewarded. She soon won recognition
among the interlect [sic]. People came from far and wide
to see what a woman had done . ^
Mary Lizzie was immediately recognized as a rich widow, and this
fired the hearts of some unusual suitors. In a carelessly written mem-
moir, she later recalled two special ones:
A few years ago a man wrote me from a town in S.C. ...
beginning his letter 'Dear Sugar Babe, you haint never
seed me, but I seed you oncet in Toccoa and I axed [asked]
some body who you was as you passed.
You was the purtiest thing I ever looked at Sugar Babe
and I want to marry you. I will be over thar in two weeks
and we will git married Sugar Babe.
I know nuthin that ever wuz made is as purty as you ar
Sugar Babe.' Your devoted lover
Another one wrote me from Atlanta saying that he 'wanted
to git married and supposed that I did too. I [the suitor]
am 38 years old and "read and rosey." Weigh 200 lbs. Have
a 14 year old son. I policed a while and worked some on
R.R. When employed I make $3.CK) per day. When you come to
Atlanta let me know where you stop at and I will see you.
You have been highly recommended to me . 3
Spurning such offers, Mary Lizzie, with Sally Grace's help,
attempted to maintain an agricultural operation at Jarrett Manor. Some
of their practices have been recollected by Velma Brackett Yearwood , who
worked for the Jarrett sisters as a youngster.
Daughter . . . was head of the milkhouse where E worked
when T was twelve years old [ca. 1920]. My job was to
draw water to keep the milk cool. After the milkman did
milking, the milk was strained in crock pitchers and a
white cloth tied over them. Next they were put in wooden
troughs and tubs. I drew water from the well all day
long. When the water would begin to get warm, the stop-
per was pulled from the end of the trough. The warm water
would drain out and fresh cool water was drawn and poured
in the trough. The process was continued throughout the
day. Guests were always served fresh cool milk.
Perhaps this labor-intensive refrigeration had been handed down from
stagecoach days at Traveler's Rest. Mrs. Yearwood's memories reinforce
the impression that Mary Lizzie did her best to keep the old place jump-
My mother always did the washing and ironing for Trav-
eler's Rest. There were so many guests that much linen was
used. Sometimes she would have to wash on Sunday, and I
One day Miss Babe [Mary Lizzie] said, 'Velma, get on to
the chickens. The Campfire girls will be here tonight for
supper.' Laws a me. I killed and dressed chickens all
day. When I finished, I had ready 25 chickens. My, my
those were the good old days. I have picked many gallons
of blackberries along Tugaloo River.
This way of life was vastly different from that of the dangerous
days of Jesse Walton, Ben Cleveland, and hostile Creek warriors. Some
aspects of farm life, however, had not changed so drastically. Asked if
she had "ever hoed corn & cotton," Mrs. Yearwood recalled: "Mercy, mercy,
mercy, yes. A many a day I have spent in them old bottoms, all the way
from Prather Bridge to the furtherest bridge south. I have had my feet
on every foot of this land." As long as the Jarretts owned land, peo-
ple were available to work it for them.
Though she had no income other thai, from land sales, Mary Lizzie
continued to live "in the manner to which she had become accustomed."
She was not .in economically practical person, and her part iif Devereaux
.larrett's once vast pl.intation was "mismanaged." The Habersham County
tax digests show onlv 200 acres for the C.K. Jarrett (.state in the earlv
1900s, valued at $3,000. After the 1905 creation of Stephens County,
Mary Lizzie appears as Mrs. V.A. White with 1,100 acres. The next year,
Sally Grace appears as Mrs. S.C. Adams, a non-resident, holding 500
acres worth $3,500. Marv Jarrett White does not appear that year, but
she was in the tax records in 1909, again in 1911, and from then until
1954. Sally Grace was a non-resident in 1910 and 1911, but a resident
from then until her death in 1926. ^
By that time, the two sisters' combined acreage was about 1,600,
worth $14,500. In 1929, Mary Lizzie sold Jarrett's old bottomlands to
Georgia Power Company for $45,000. [See Map 16.] After tha*: , she held
about 600 acres until 1940, when she sold all but 10. For these decades,
the tax digests indicate that Mary Lizzie owned a car most of the time,
several hundred dollars in town property, but never more than one or two
cows. With all her political and social activities in Atlanta, it is
highly probably that she paid insufficient attention to the maintenance
of the farm.
In spite of her dwindling estate, however, Marv Jarrett White pro-
moted a successful image. A yellowed newspaper clipping from her per-
sonal effects reported the organization of a Federation of Business
Women. "Efficiency" was to be the "watchword" of the organization, and
Marv Lizzie was on the board of directors. The article commented:
An example of what women can do is shown in sidelights
of some of those in attendance at the convention. Mrs.
Marv Jarrett White of Tugalo, owns 1800 acres of land,
which she oversees at a good profit each year. In addi-
tion she runs a general store, real estate office, keeps
house, looks after her children, and, as she expressed it,
'curses all week and preaches on Sundav.'
Unfortunately, such exaggerations could not forestall the diminishment
of her property.
The memoirs and newspaper articles show that Mary Lizzie was busy
with politics and romance. As the memoirs have it: "Her interest was
aroused in politics. She wanted to see the 'little man' have a chance."
Her most notable political coup, however, was for the "little woman."
In 1920, a friend allowed her to register to vote before the ratifica-
tion of the Nineteenth Amendment allowed women the ballot. On election
day, Mary Lizzie was the only Georgia woman to vote, and due to this,
she was named the state's "Woman of the Year." "Baby" enjoyed hobnob-
bing and working with politicians, who were often entertained at Jarrett
Manor. She was on the Georgia Democratic Executive Committee, a cam-
paign leader for successful gubernatorial candidates, and a Presidential
elector for Franklin D. Roosevelt — all this despite the fact that she
never voted after 1920.
Such a woman of the world was bound to have admirers, and the mem-
oirs recount the following:
She almost lost her heart in one of these heated cam-
paigns. Many notables were attracted to the gay, attrac-
tive widow, who was Farmer, Politician, Post Mistress,
Country Store Keeper, and Homemaker for her beloved son,
The man in the case was a candidate for the Office of
the Georgia Senate, and she was campaigning for his
rival! What must she dp [do]? Follow her convictions
and fight for her party, or follow her heart, and suc-
comb [sic] to the pleadings of the handsome man who
wanted her for his wife.
Her sound judgment won out, and she went the way of a
sacrificing fighter, and elected her man. Perhaps she
wasn't in love anyway.
Acting on the State Executive Committee during the
next Governor's reign, carried her to the capital city.
There she was the Georgia Belle of the Ball room.
Her beauty was spoken of throughout the land.
She was too busy for more romance at the time.
Mary Lizzie's romantic inclinations may have been satisfied later,
witli Howard's marriage to Mary Lou Edge. A truly chivalric affair at
Jarrett Manor, the wedding was:
. . . typical of his mothers hospitality. Taking place in
the parlor of the great house, the bridal procession,
fourteen couples, marched down the great stair way, lined
with ivy, and stood under a huge canopy of woods flowers.
They must have made a strangely incongruous picture, parading down the
"great" stairway of the old frontier inn.
Letters from this period contain more concerning Mary Lizzie's pri-
vate life than the state of affairs at Jarrett Manor. One striking let-
ter written in 1924 reports that the woods nearby had been burning for
three days. A 1929 letter tells of the "liquid refreshments" served
at one of her "bashes" (during Prohibition). Another letter is full of
her eagerness to get a "water works" installed in the house and take on
When not busy with politics and entertaining, Mary Lizzie sought to
help her black neighbors, in whose problems she showed a continuing (if
somewhat patronizing) interest. She was apparently ready to become thor-
oughly involved in the most traumatic affairs. One scarcely-credible
but dramatic memoir survives to illustrate this practice:
Lizzie Lucas Jarrett in small room at south end of Traveler's Rest, early 1900's
Lizzie Lucas an
d Sally Grace Jarrett in small room, early 1900 's
O CD 3
•H 4J ^
Q- -H 3
•H • CD
S < .3
CO • 4-J
En > O
Upstairs "Common" Bedroom
Sitting on the quiet veranda of her ancestral home, our
heroine was conscious of a car driving, very fast, in the
direction of the Manor. Bouncing from the car to the ground
came Sahrina Jarrett, a descendant of the slaves of the Jar-
rett family, who lived at Gum Log, a community in the same
County, where also lived Isaac and Jacob, twin brothers of
'Brinev.' 'Miss Baby' she blurted out - 'I have come to
tell you terrible news' 'Brother Isaac had to kill a man
about his wife and the law come after him. I have brought
him and hid him over yonder tuther side of them pine trees
near the creek. Oh, Mistress, what's us gwine to do - I ' se
sceered to death.' After a minute of thought our heoine
[sic] said 'Where is he - near the River?' Now the Tugaloo
River being a State line M.J.W. [Mary Jarrett White] knew
that once across the River, Isaac would be safe, or rather
have time to make a complete get-a-way. Hastily gathering
her wits, she told Briney to drive her, as fast as she could,
to the home of Mary Jarrett, another one of her 'cullod'
Iriends and loyal worshipper of M.J.W. When they reached
Mary's house MJW rushed in and said 'Mary, give me one of
your dresses and hats, and, quickly, Mary.' 'Fore de Lawd,
Miss, what you'se gwine to do wid dem clothes.' 'Don't ask
questions, Mary, and tell the law nothing, if they ask you.'
With bundle In hand MJW again set out with Briney to find
the poor, bleeding Isaac crouched behind the bushes, far
from sight and hand of the law. Hearing Isaac's story of
how a 'noor white trash' man had insulted his wife, she made
Isaac slip Mary's big plaid gingham dress on and donning
Mary's best hat, they waited till dark then making him get
in the back of the car, they drove full-speed to South Caro-
lina and far enough to send him on his way unnoticed. She
returned home, cautioning all darkeys to stay close by and
Retiring early that night MJW hoped to have complete rest
from the strenuousness of the day and from sheer exhaustion,
soon fell asleep.
About 2:00 A.M. came another car - this time faster than
the first one and again Briney, with tears streaming down
her face, after begging for admittance, said, 'Lord, Mis-
tress, tis worse-er than ever now - the law done cum and
took Jacob this time case [cause] they say they don't know
one from the tuther and they had to have one. Jacob told
them he warn ' t guiltv but they taken him to jail, anyway.'
At that hour of the night our heroine drove to nearby
Gainesville to awaken and employ the best criminal lawyer in
the country to defend Jacob, offering and agreeing to mort-
gage her home to help defend the poor darkey, and the lawyer
consented only because of his admiration of her and her
defense always of the under-dog.
The time for the trial arrived. So notorious was the
case that all of the county folk jammed the stuffy court-
house which was taxed to capacity. Newspaper men from a] 1
over the country were there to report and the self righteous
population of the county only laughed and said, 'Why does
MJW mix up in such things?' Not so, M.TW. When the fright-
ened Jacob was led into the court-room, who should take a
seat in the witness stand near him but our heroine looking
like a picture in a lavender hat trimmed with pink roses
which brought out the natural beauty of her silver hair, her
eyes reflecting the courage of her innermost soul.
A mistrial, which was the best the Attorney could obtain
for Jacob, was the verdict and the dejected and starved
Jacob was returned to his Jail cell.
A few nights later, a sullen and crazy mob, made up of
poor whites who were revenge-hungry , formed and tilings
looked dark for poor old Jacob, the innocent victim of the
vagaries of his brother's wife.. Fearing not only the law,
but the mob of white men, Briney slipping quietly around in
the night, put a messenger on a mule to ride 25- miles in
black darkness again to tell her adored mistress of the ter-
rible calamity. When the news came, our heroine was almost
oversome [sicl with anxiety for the poor black who had shed
no innocent blood. Never had she failed to help her col-
lored friends and familv before and she must not forsake
them this time.
Slipping down to a cabin in the yard, she called John
Smith, a white man who lived there - made him get up out of
bed and said 'John, don't you belong to the Ku Klux - now 1
want the truth?' and John admitted that he did. Telling
him of Jacob's predicament, she sent him to the nearest
"brother-in-the-clan' and thus in a short time the Klan was
hooded and riding.
In a race between the vicious mob and the Ku Klux, t lie
latter reached the Jail just as the Sheriff was about to
deliver the keys to the mob. And what became of Esaac and
Jacob - well, they are well, and doing well in TEXAS.
Surely, if this tale has an element of truth, the Klan had seldom been
enlisted for such a cause before.
Mary Jarrett White was also involved in working on prison reform,
volunteering for the Red Cross, and participating actively in the
Daughters of the American Revolution. She founded the local chapter of
the D.A.R., and her papers contain some short, patriotic speeches of
little interest. Perhaps it was in the spirit of the Revolution that
she held a costume ball at Jarrett Manor, related in the memoirs:
A party was held in her home, all members wearing
Lovely, colorful costumes. Mary Lizzie dressed as the
beautiful Martha Washington. A state senator, as George
Washington, fell head over heels in love with the Revol-
utionary Daughter, and asked for her hand in marriage.
When she refused him, he was so heart broken he jumped
off the river bridge near Traveler's Rest. He was saved
by a friend. Still Mary Lizzie refused to marry him. 13
So went life for the granddaughter of Devereaux Jarrett, until old
age finally began to slow her down after World War II. As an old lady,
Mary Jarrett White was much admired in the Tugaloo neighborhood, which
still called her "Big Baby." Her promotion of the historical importance
oi Traveler's Rest, although it tended to be inaccurate and legendary,
was a valuable legacy. In 1934, the Historic American Buildings Survey
did line drawings of the house, and the National Register of Historic
Places recognized Traveler's Rest as a National Historic Landmark in
1963. Mary Lizzie helped create an abiding interest in Traveler's Rest
in the Tugaloo area, which came into fruition in the last years of her
life. She died in 1957, about 90 years of age.
In the winter, early in 1954, the Toccoa Chamber of Commerce
secured an option to purchase Jarrett Manor for $10,000. Mabel Ramsey,
Howard Tatham, and Ben Wiggins were leaders in this effort, according to
the Toccoa Record. The original option called for the purchase of seven
acres. The Chamber of Commerce founded the Jarrett Manor Foundation,
and an offer of financial assistance was obtained from the Georgia His-
torical Commission. It was agreed that the Foundation would raise half
the necessary funds, and the Commission the other half. The State Prop-
erties Commission approved the purchase in 1955, and for $8,000, Travel-
er's Rest and somewhat less than three acres became the property of the
State of Georgia. During the early 1960s, Hartwell Dam held back the
Tugaloo waters to create Lake Hartwell. The fertile "river bottom"
lands that had been the pride of the Waltons, Wylys and Jarretts were
covered by water, along with the sites of the Cherokees ' Tugaloo Old
Town. Traveler's Rest now stands only about a quarter of a mile from
Until 1974, Traveler's Rest was maintained and operated under the
auspices of the Georgia Historical Commission. Mabel Ramsey, a Jarrett
descendant, was curator of the museum. In 1965, the deteriorated outer
shell of the house was removed, and the structure was protected by a
clear plastic cover while its construction history was studied. In the
summer of 1968, Mabel Ramsey retired, to be replaced by another life-
long resident of the Tugaloo area, Frances Wilbanks. After that, the
replacement of the outside of the house was begun, and painstaking
restoration work continues to this day. In 1974, Traveler's Rest came
under the management of the Georgia Department of Natural Resources,
Parks and Historic Sites Division.
Its establishment as a museum once again returned Traveler's Rest
to its optimum position — at a crossroads. Through its careful study
and restoration, Georgia has made it possible for all people to have a
unique example of the American heritage vividly preserved at a site of
C hapter 12: Mary Elizabeth Jarrett White and Jarrett Manor
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
3 Ibid .
H Cora Ledbetter, "Farm Chores are Reviewed," Toccoa Record , July 21,
Habersham County Tax Digests , 1900-1906 ; Stephens County Tax Digests ,
1 907-1926 .
° Stephens County Deeds, Book 18 , p. 407; Stephens County Tax Digests ,
' Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
8 Stephens County Tax Digests , 1920-1950 ; Traveler's Rest papers, His-
toric Preservation Section.
^ Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section. Howard White
was reared by Mary Lizzie, although he was not her own son, nor was
he ever officially adopted.
Traveler's Rest papers, Historic Preservation Section.
11 Ibid .
Lyman C. Draper Papers, King's Mountain Papers, DD, and Tennessee Papers,
XX. The Draper Manuscripts are now in possession of the State His-
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Traveler's Rest Papers, State of Georgia, Department of Natural Resources,
Historic Preservation Section.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MAPS
Map 1 Compiled from Charles Hudson, The Southeastern Indians (Univer-
sity of Tennessee Press, 1976), pp. 6-7; and William Harlen Gil-
bert, Jr., The Eastern Cherokees (Washington, D.C., Smithsonian
Institute, 1943), p. 179.
Map 2 Mary Stephenson, (ed.), The Diary of Clarissa Bowan , Ashtabula
Plantation , 1865 , The Pendleton Clems on Area , 1776-1889 (Pendle-
ton, S.C., Research and Publication Committee, 1973), p. 14.
Map 3 Adapted from George Hunter's 1744 copy of John Herbert's 1725
map of South Carolina, from the Georgia Surveyor General's Office,
Map 4 John Brown, Old Frontiers (Kingsport, Tenn. : Southern Publishers,
Inc., 1938), facing Page 1.
Map 5 Adapted from Hurley Badders , Broken Path : The Cherokee Campaign
of 1776 (Pendleton, S.C. : Pendleton Historical and Recreational
Commission, 1976), p. viii.
Map 6 Drawn by Leonard Chester from William Kelso, "Excavations at
Traveler's Rest," Figure 2, Historic Preservation Section files.
Map 7 From the Georgia Surveyor General's Office.
Map 8 Part of C.C. Royce's Map of the Cherokee Country, from the Geor-
gia Surveyor General's Office.
Map 9 From the Georgia Surveyor General's Office.
Map 10 From the Traveler's Rest Papers, Historic Preservation Section.
Map 11 Adapted by Leonard Chester from Hall's map shown in Kathryn C.
Trogdon, History of Stephens County (Toccoa, Ga. : Toccoa Women's
Club, 1973) , p. 8.
Map 12 Drawn by Leonard Chester from a map compiled by Robert Bouwman.
The location of the tavern, store, blacksmithy, and tanyard are
Map 13 Part of Habersham County, District #3, adapted by Leonard Ches-
ter from the original from the Georgia Surveyor General's Office.
Map 14 Drawn by Leonard Chester from a map compiled by Robert Bouwman.
Map 15 Part of a 1911 Stephens County Militia District Map from the
Georgia Surveyor General's Office.
Map 16 From Stephens County Courthouse, Plat Book 1, p. 49.
- 271 -
STEPHENS COUNTY, GEORGIA
A HISTORICAL ARCHITECTURAL ANALYSIS
Paul E. Buchanan
P.O. Box 2
Williamsburg, Virginia 23185
Prepared for the
Georgia Department of Natural Resources
May 20, 1978
On September 25, 1977, I traveled to Toccoa, Georgia, and spent
three and one-half days investigating the structure called Traveler's
Rest. Although the building had been heavily restored, it was still pos-
sible to determine the architectural periods and evolution of this
There are several basic periods in the development of this existing
structure, but there were earlier structures on this site. Archaeologi-
cal studies made by William J. Kelso show that at the southern end of the
present structure, there was occupation by white settlers prior to 1815.
The first period of the present structure was built about 1815, plus
or minus five years. [See Drawing No. 1.] This is determined by a com-
bination of architectural design, building materials, moulding profiles,
brick bond and structural techniques.
This first building was a two-story frame building, 18'-2" x 50'-
10-1/2", facing west with a five-bay shed-roof porch running the full
width of the building on the west side. A similar shed was on the east,
but only the center portion of this shed was a porch, as both ends of
this shed were enclosed to create rooms. These sheds were designed this
way because where there were to be open porches, the first-floor joists
ran north and south and were supported by heavy summer beams. Where
there were to be enclosed rooms, the floor joists ran in the opposite
direction, supported by heavy wood sills. There were six wood posts on
the west porch, with a balustrade between the posts, except in the center
bay. At both ends, mortises for the balustrade rails can be seen in the
corner posts of the building. The posts of the porch partially rotted
and were covered with one-inch boards, a common method of repairing rot-
ting posts. The posts were later removed and replaced in the restoration
of the 1960s. They were replaced the wrong size, using the size of the
original posts plus the cover boards. They give the building a heavy
look, and I recommend that they be replaced with correct-size posts.
The roof of both sheds of Traveler's Rest were originally eleven
inches lower at the building than they are now. They were given a
steeper pitch when the building was enlarged ca. 1835-1840. The original
fastening marks can be seen in the roof space.
The west wall of the building was covered with random-width, beaded
tongue-and-grooved flush boards, with the tongue in the down position.
This was poor building practice, because the groove could hold water, but
was easier to erect, especially by one man. The bead on these boards is
a bead that came into use after 1800. It has a flat quirk instead of the
sharp quirk of the eighteenth century. This moulding detail occurs on
all remaining original beaded mouldings of Traveler's Rest. The ceiling
of the porch was also covered with flush beaded boards. There is very
little of the original beaded boarding remaining on the wall because when
the building was added to, the fenestration was altered, removing all
four windows and adding two doors and a window. [See Drawing Mo. 2.]
When this change was made, the boarding was replaced with flush boards,
The first floor of the original house was divided into two equal
rooms with a door between them. Each of these two matching rooms had a
center door and two windows on the west wall, a fireplace on the exterior
end, with windows on each side of the fireplace and two doors on the east
wall. One door opened to the east porch, and one opened to the shed room,
the only difference in these two rooms being a quarter-turn stair in the
northwest corner of the south room. Evidence can be seen for this stair
in a patch in the ceiling of this room, on the original north wall of
this room, and under the first run of the attic stair. The second-floor
joists over the first run of the stair to the second floor were headed
off, creating head-room. This head-room space was boarded with beaded
boards. The stair was not as steep as the present stair as can be seen
in the sloping cut of the wall sheathing on the original north wall of
this room. The south room would originally have been called the "hall,"
and the north room would have been called the "parlor." This is reversed
today. All four rooms on this floor had flush beaded boards covering the
walls and ceiling, similar to the porches. Where altered or added to,
the boards used were not beaded. There is no plaster in the building.
All nails in the house are machine-made cut nails instead of the
handmade nails that would have been used if the building had been built
in the eighteenth century.
The two shed rooms on the first floor were originally bed chambers
with a fireplace and one window. There were two doors in each room, one
entering the rear, or east, porch, and the other giving access to either
the hal 1 or parlor.
The second floor was almost a duplicate of the first floor, except-
ing that the south space over the hall was partitioned into three spaces
by single-board-thick vertical boards, creating a stair passage and two
bedrooms. These two rooms were heated by stoves with flues into the
chimney, which never had a fireplace on the second floor. The covering
of the chimney needs to be removed in order to prove this and locate the
position of stove pipes so the rooms can be properly furnished. The
north room had two windows on each side and a chimney on the north wall
flanked by two windows. The second-floor stair passage had a window over-
looking each shed roof and still has the original stair to the attic.
The attic in the gable-roof space was only floored over the southern
half. This created another usable space which was not lit or heated. In
order to get some ventilation in this space, two round holes were later
(before 1835) cut in the weatherboards in each gable end. These holes have
erroneously been called loop holes.
The foundations of the building are stone around the perimeter, heav-
ily repointed and replaced in the 1960s 1 restoration. The interior east
and west walls are supported on masonry piers. The chimneys have stone
foundations, but are brick otherwise. The two south chimneys are of
American bond with varying numbers of stretcher courses, from five to eleven
They have stepped weatherings and are typical early-nineteenth-century
chimneys. The northeast chimney was completely rebuilt when the north
addition was added, and much of the northwest chimney was rebuilt above
the first floor at the same time, 1835-1840. This is evidenced by the
different mortar types used in the two periods. The weatherboards on the
original building has 6-1/2" exposure to the weather and were moulded on
the lower edge with a quarter-round moulding. This type of weatherboard
was used between 1790 and 1825. Some original weatherboards still exist
in the north gable, covered by a later addition, as all weatherboards
now exposed on the building were new in the 1960s' restoration.
The framing of the original two-story building is unique, utilizing
a different method of framing on the east and west walls. There are four
corner posts and two (in the center of the east and west walls) posts
that are a full two stories high. The two corner posts on the west side are
L-shaped, hewn from a single timber. The center post on the west side is
similar, but T-shaped, hewn from a 12" x 12". However, the matching
three posts on the east side are made of two separate pieces each.
The solid L and T framing posts occur in the Southern states between
1780 and 1830, usually between 1800 and 1820. The location of the fram-
ing is a great help in locating later changes and has been used through-
out this structure in order to analyze it.
Between 1835 and 1840, Traveler's Rest was enlarged to the north and
the original structure was altered. The building was thus over ninety
feet long with a full-length shed porch on the west side. [See Drawing
The alterations to the original structure included the raising of
the pitch of the east and west shed roofs by eleven inches, because the
original roof slopes of the shed roofs were too low to keep the wood shin-
gles from leaking. The stair to the second floor was removed and rebuilt
so that the only access to the original second floor was through a new
door opening on the west porch. This stair was completely enclosed by a
new east-west partition across the old hall. The two windows on the west
wall of the old hall were removed and closed in. The two south windows
of the old hall were enlarged. The two doors on the east wall were
closed, and another door was installed to the southeast chamber. All
fireplaces in the original building were given new mantles of the Greek
Revival design, which is the architectural period of this addition. The
first part of the existing building was the "Federal" period or architec-
tural style. A new passage or hall was created by a new partition across
the old parlor, with a new doorway to the west porch. A new window was
installed in the west wall of the old parlor, and all four original win-
dows in this room were removed. The door to the north shed chamber was
moved to the north. This north shed chamber must have been made the work'
ing office for the newly enlarged building, due to the installation of
another window and a new mantle, the design for which concealed drawers
in the panels. The office had visual control of the outside kitchen and
a door to the rear porch. Two new doors were installed, one on each
floor, to the new addition at the west end of the original north wall.
The north balustrade of the original west porch was removed, making a
yery long shed porch with two bays without balustrades, giving two
The alterations of the original building on the second floor only
occurred in the old chamber, which was divided into two rooms by a new
board partition. The north room thus created was only accessible from
the new north addition through a door that was inserted in the place of
one of the two north-end windows that were removed. The southern room
created was only accessible from the new stair from the west porch and
was not heated. Thus, the second floor of the original now had three
rooms that were either unheated or heated by stoves. These rooms, along
with the attic space, were accessible only by an exterior door at the
foot of the new stair on the west porch. This created a set of rooms or
spaces to be used for the accommodation of less desirable travelers who
could be denied the use of the first-floor public spaces.
The new addition doubled the size of the original building. A very
important feature was the cellar kitchen and storeroom built at this time.
The original structure had only an outside kitchen building. It was
desirable for all large taverns to have a cellar kitchen for winter use.
Service to the tavern above was by a steep stair through the floor of the
new west porch. [See Drawing No. 2.] Evidence for this stair was almost
obliterated by the 1960s' restoration. Only several marks for the nail-
ing of the stair stringers now exist.
The first floor of the new addition had four rooms, each with a fire-
place and a door to the outside. The framing construction of the new addi-
tion was very similar to that of the original building, with the excep-
tion that L and T posts were not used. The kitchen/dining room chimney
is built of stone up to the chimney stack, which is brick. The chimney
to shed chamber #1 is now missing, but it was probably stone with a brick
stack. It was removed between 1850 and 1960. Not enough is known about
this chimney to replace it. The chimney to shed chamber #2 was completely
rebuilt in the period of 1835-1840. The chimney to the new parlor was
partially rebuilt but added to in places.
The woodwork of this period has simple Greek Revival mouldings. [See
panel mould on H.A.B.S. drawing No. 4 of 4.] The interior walls and ceil-
ings are covered with random-width, flush yellow-pine boards similar to
the original structure, excepting the boarding in the addition is not
beaded. There is a simple open-string, straight-run stair to the second
floor on the north wall of the new parlor. This stair has brackets of a
continuous wave form. The mouldings and details are typical of the 1835-
1840 period. The stair has rectangular balusters, two to a tread. The
newels are tapered octagonal shape and the handrail is roughly octagonal
and has awkward ramps and easements.
On the second floor of this addition are two heated bed chambers and
a stair hall -passage. The passage was necessary to have access to cham-
ber #3, which was created from the old chamber in the original building.
Chamber #1 was the best room of the new tavern. It was light and airy,
with a northern exposure and two windows on three walls. Chamber #2 used
the space left after making a passage to chamber #3. It was dark, and
only had one window on the east wall. This did not allow any cross-ven-
tilation. Because of this, a window was built on the west interior wall.
I was asked if I saw any evidence of chamber #2 ever having been used as
a post office. I did not, and I think that logic would preclude a
second-floor room being suitable as a post office.
It appears to me that the new north addition was primarily a family
residence attached to a tavern, allowing the original building to be
devoted to tavern use only.
LATER PERIODS -- 1850-1960
Architectural styles and details indicate that sometime after 1850,
a separate building was built at the north end of the tavern. It was
later connected to the tavern by an open porch. Later, when the tavern
operations declined, the building became a large residence with a few
bedrooms rented to boarders. Several other alterations were made which I
1. The outside stair from the cellar kitchen was removed before 1920.
2. The two north bays of the west porch were enclosed or screened after
the stair was closed, and later removed in the twentieth century.
3. A new interior stair to the cellar kitchen was installed when the
exterior stair was removed.
4. A sun deck was cut in the shed roof over the east porch and the
window on the east wall of the original passage was made a door.
All this was later removed and a new window was inserted towards the
north (probably in the twentieth century).
5. The partition between the two stove rooms was removed, and reinstallec
in the 1960s.
6. The partition in the old chamber was removed.
7. The shed chamber #1 chimney was removed and a modern kitchen in-
stalled in the twentieth century.
8. The office was converted to an interior bathroom in the twentieth
LAST PERIOD — 1960-1977
This building was heavily restored in the 1960s. The restoration
was basically sound, except some weatherboards could have been saved, how-
ever. More photographs should have been taken, and records should have
been kept on what was done. The partition in the old chamber should be
reinstalled, with a concealed door, if passage is desired for interpreta-
tion. The porch columns should be replaced. [I have given Mr. A. Waylor
of the Department of Natural Resources recommendations regarding maintenance
and climate control, which are beyond the scope of this report.]
Architecturally, this building, in its first two periods, was a combi-
nation of a residence and tavern. "Tavern" in this report means a
structure that provides lodging, food, drink and entertainment for the
traveling public. I doubt that there was a bar, and I saw no evidence of
one. A table in any of the shed rooms would have sufficed. The amount
of the building used for the family residence was very flexible and was
controlled by the numbers and types of the traveling public who had to be
This combined residence-tavern is very important to the State of
Georgia, architecturally as well as historically. It is a good remaining
example of early-nineteenth-century pioneer vernacular architecture of
the Georgia Piedmont and its growth up to the 1860s.
The structure is a good example of the simplicity of frontier build-
ing, which combined the minimum of purchased materials and tools with a
building style suitable for the climate. The indigenous materials, stone,
wood and clay for bricks were easily fabricated with the minimum number
of tools. The purchased materials, nails, hardware and glass did not
need skilled labor to build the resulting architecture. There was some
foresight to adapt the two-story hall-parlor-plan type by adding sheds
and porches , combined with carefully sizing and locating the doors and
windows. This, with proper orientation, made the building suitable for
the purpose and climate.
Paul E./ Buchanan
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Drawing No. 3
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EXCAVATIONS AT TRAVELER'S REST
William M. Kelso, Archaeologist
Georgia Historical Commission
February 18, 1969
EXCAVATIONS AT TRAVELER'S REST
The Traveler's Rest historic site (Jarrett Manor) is located six
miles east of Toccoa, Georgia, near the Tugaloo River. The site includes
3.9 acres of ground and six buildings : the main house, the "loomhouse,"
two small cabins, a modern tool shed, and an old garage. A small creek
on the north, the remnants of the Old King's Highway from South Carolina
and River Dale Road on the west, Walton's Creek on the south, and an old
cleared field on the east border the site.
The Traveler's Rest site was part of the Cherokee Nation until May
31, 1783, when a treaty was drawn up ceding this area to the State of
Georgia. However, since no large representative group of the Indians
was present at the signing, the Cherokees, as a whole, were not satisfied
with the agreement, which led to "a spirit of restless discontent [and]
... many acts of ferocious hostility."^ It was in this troubled area
along the Tugaloo River that Major Jesse Walton, Revolutionary War veteran
and founder of Jonesboro, Tennessee, was granted several tracts of land
in the 1780's, and on the first tract, 400 acres on the river, he proba-
bly built a residence. After the Treaty of Hopewell (November, 1785) was
signed between the United States Government and the Cherokees fixing a
boundary line in the Tugaloo Region, Walton attempted to settle his
newly acquired land only to find that the Indian hostility had not sub-
sided sufficiently to insure safety for his family. He apparently moved
- 285 -
his wife and children sixteen miles from his original settlement soon
after. After that, Walton seasonally brought up a labor force to work
his plantation on the River until he was ambushed and shot by Cherokee
Indians on his land in 1789. Three weeks later, he died from the wounds,
leaving his household furniture and part of his land to his wife and divi-
ding the remainder of his property among his children. There is no men-
tion in his will of his house, but presumably it went to his wife along
with the furniture.
The land next went to Joseph Martin, Walton's son-in-law, who in turn
sold out to James R. Wyly in 1818, and in 1838, Devereaux Jarrett bought
the property. Soon after Jarrett acquired the place, he began using the
main house as a stagecoach inn for the use of those traveling the King's
Highway, and in 1844, a United States post office was set up in the house.
The close proximity of the King's Highway and the river ford (Walton's
Ford) made both the post office a necessity and the inn (Traveler's Rest)
Traveler's Rest remained the property of the Jarrett family until
June, 1955, when it was purchased from Mary Jarrett White by the State of
Georgia. The Georgia Historical Commission presently  administers
the site for the State, and is carrying out a program of renovation of the
main house and restoration and reconstruction of some of the outbuildings.
As part of the site's development, archaeological excavations were carried
out by the Commission in 1968, the findings of which are presented in the
Plan of Excavation
The first season of excavations at Traveler's Rest was conducted May-
July, 1968, concentrating on the area immediately around the buildings. The
site was excavated by areas, using a grid system of 250- foot-square blocks,
divided into fifty- foot squares. The major objectives of the excavation were
to locate and date the various periods of construction of the main house, to
locate and define the functions of the various out-buildings, and to learn
something of the types of artifacts that were used by the inhabitants of
Traveler's Rest through the years. The major emphasis during this initial
season, however, was the main house.
The Main House
The main house at Traveler's Rest measures ninety feet by thirty-
nine feet, has thirteen rooms in its two and one-half stories, a full-
length open front porch, a basement kitchen and a dug wine cellar. Pre-
vious architectural study of the building suggested that it had experi-
enced several periods of expansion and alteration, but only two major
periods of construction, with the south half being built first (Period I)
then the north half (Period II) extended later, doubling the original
size. It was hoped that archaeology could aid the architectural research
by uncovering anything pertinent to the various construction and altera-
tion periods of the building. Therefore, areas under and around the main
house were excavated.
The subsequent digging under the south end of the house and along
the south foundation wall revealed features from prehistoric Indian occu-
pation and a backfilled root cellar. The excavations uncovered an area
of charcoal and burned clay under the front porch and several Indian-like
post holes and shallow pits outside the present building. Any strati-
graphic connection between the post-hole complex and the fire area under-
neath the main house has been destroyed by the construction of the south
foundation wall and the erosion that had occurred outside the present
building. Moreover, a graded driveway had been built just south of the
post-hole complex, which further disturbed the evidence of the earlier
Indian occupation. Probably the post holes and fire area are all that is
left of the extreme north side of an aboriginal structure, the remaining
features totally destroyed by a combination of erosion and all of the
various construction programs that have occurred at the site during the
On the other hand, the root cellar had remained undisturbed through
the years, having been protected from construction disturbance and erosion
by the house above it. The feature was seven and one-half feet square and
two and one-half feet deep, surrounded by miscellaneous gouges apparently
dug under the house by animals. A shallow slot had also been dug from under
the front porch to the edge of the cellar, the purpose of which remains
unknown. Both the slot and the pit had been backfilled level with the under-
surface of the remainder of the house. Immediately below a shallow level of
modern dust, a layer of rocks and chunks of red clay (clay chinking) had been
thrown into both the cellar and the slot. Some of the rocks had been burned
on one edge, indicating that both the burned rocks and the chinking had probably
come from the destruction of an earlier chimney. Below the chimney-destruction
level, a layer of dark humus flecked with bits of wood ash was found, probably
representing a build-up of debris on the cellar floor during its occupancy.
In addition to containing chimney debris and dark humus, the lower part of the
chimney-debris level and the lower humus level contained early nineteenth-
century artifacts, and, significantly, both layers ran under the present rock-
hearth foundation of the central chimney of the main house, i.e., the hearth
foundation had been built on the fill of the cellar.
In the extreme southeast corner of the cellar, an area of the lower
fill had become much more compact than the surrounding soil, indicating
that this area had been trodden down as people entered and left. Directly
outside the building in front of the present chimney stool in line with
the compact area in the cellar, two fieldstone rocks had been laid on
edge into the natural clay, perhaps all that remained of a stone walk
leading to the cellar. On each side of the stones, about equidistant
from each edge of the walk, a post hole containing fragments of early-
nineteenth-century ceramics was found. The posts may have supported a
lean-to shelter above the stone-walk cellar entrance, thus creating a
crude bulkhead. About three feet from the south foundation wall under
the main house, still supporting the east and the west main-house sills,
two makeshift piers had been constructed out of wedge-shaped blocks.
Apparently, these supports had held up the south end of the house when
the south foundation wall was reworked. The reworking probably took
place when the south chimney was added to the house at the point where
the cellar entrance had been. At least, the piers (or jacks) had defin-
itely been placed under the sills after the root cellar had been aban-
doned because the west pier rested upon the chimney-destruction level
that had been thrown into the slot and the cellar.
The artifacts found in the root cellar consisted of glass, ceramic,
metal, and bone objects, and, studied as a group, provide the general
date during which the pit was filled. An American military button, a
Corps of Artillery button made in the period 1815-1821, ^ was the most
datable item in the collection. Therefore, the backfilling of the pit
had to have taken place sometime after ca. 1815. The European ceramics
found were types being used from ca. 1790-1830, ^ i.e., creamware, shell-
edged pearlware, and blue and polychrome handpainted pearlware ("Gaudy
Dutch") . Three minute sherds of cobalt-blue, transfer-printed earthen-
ware were also found, the presence of which suggests a deposition date
after ca. 1810. Also, a fragment of a free-blown wine bottle was recov-
ered from the fill, the style having been popular ca. 1790-1820. Sev-
eral stamped brass buttons featuring raised lettering on the back and
soldered loop fasteners were found in the fill, and these were types also
used in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. ^ Therefore, the
datable artifact material from the cellar suggests that it had been back-
filled sometime in the period ca. 1815-1825.
A quartz scraper, a broken stone celt, and several sherds of prehis-
toric Early Mississippian Indian pottery (Woodstock, ca. 1000 A.D.)
were also found mixed into the cellar and slot fill, all associated with
the historic items. Apparently, the site had also been occupied briefly
during the prehistoric period. Subsequently, the construction distur-
bance of Traveler's Rest mixed the early material in with more modern
features and artifacts.
In short, the sequence of events suggested by the excavations at
the south end of the main house are: (1) prehistoric Indian occupation
(Woodstock), ca. 1000 A.D.; (2) construction; (3) backfilling of the root
cellar after ca. 1815 and probably before 1825; and, (4) jacking up of
the south sill to add the stone-based brick chimney after 1815 and proba-
bly before 1825. In addition, architectural evidence shows that the cen-
tral chimney had to have been dismantled to at least the first-floor
hearth level so that the fireplaces for the new north addition could he
built Into the north side of the chimney. This operation could have
created the chimney debris which wound up as part of the backfill in the
abandoned root cellar. Therefore, it can be logically concluded that
the central chimney was dismantled, the root cellar filled in and the
south chimney added ca. 1815-1825, all as part of the more extensive pro-
gram of expansion which climaxed with the main house being extended to
double its previous length, i.e., addition of Period II.
The remaining undersurface of Period I of the main house was exca-
vated, revealing a flat, hard and relatively undisturbed clay surface.
No erosion or roof-drip lines were found to indicate that Period I had
been built in more than one stage. Walnuts, straw, and a corncob which
had been crushed down into the ground level when it had been open to the
weather, and a two-foot-diameter hole containing an 1887 dime were the
only features found in this otherwise-undisturbed area.
The excavations revealed that a builder's trench had been dug to lay
the Period I foundation wall. However, the widest side of the trench was
dug outside the building, all remnants of which eroded away along with
about twelve inches of the surrounding yard. To remedy the obvious weak-
ening effects of the erosion along the wall, the section along the south-
eastern back porch was underpinned sometime after ca. 1890. The effects
of erosion were made more visible when a portion of the rear steps was
excavated, revealing the protected mound of uneroded clay beneath. The
fact that the clay under the step remained at about the same level as the
undersurface of the main house indicates that these steps (or some pro-
tective structure) had been there at least as long as the house. However,
the original stone steps themselves were replaced quite recently and relo-
cated at the end of the present open front porch.
The excavations around and under the main house also revealed sets of
the scaffold holes which had been dug when the south and central chimneys
were built. No datable artifacts were found in the twelve holes that
were excavated. However, the fact that it was necessary to erect a scaf-
fold on the north side of the central chimney meant that this chimney had
been built to the Period I section of the main house before the north sec-
tion of the main house was extended. Therefore, the mere fact of loca-
tion of scaffold holes in this case serves as further evidence that the
south half of the existing main house was built first.
The excavations under the front porch of the north section of the
main house (Period II) uncovered a worn path leading from the basement
kitchen door directly to the well and southward along the foundation wall
to a flat clay platform-like feature, probably the base for a stair. The
present steps to the kitchen lead down from the parlor inside the build-
ing, but it is obvious that these stairs were cut into the floor as an
afterthought. Apparently, the first set of stairs led up through the
front porch to the rooms above as indicated by the path and earlier stair
base along the foundation outside.
There has been some speculation that the fireplace and the lower
levels of the basement kitchen may have been part of a separate kitchen
building serving the original early structure (Period I); then, when the
Period II half of the main building was extended, the original kitchen
served as its foundation. If this had been the case, one would expect to
find the drip line from the original kitchen building along the east and
west kitchen wall. No such disturbances were found.
The smokehouse foundations we re Located during the course of the
excavations. This building was fifty feet southwest of the main house,
had accumulated two distinct dirt floors over the years, and was eighteen
feet six inches square. At some time, the west foundation had been under-
pinned to negate the effects of erosion. The earliest dirt-floor level
contained some woodash, but not as much as one would expect to find on
the floor of a smokehouse. However, the unevenness of the floor surface
suggested that perhaps the ashes were periodically shoveled out completely
to the clay floor, thus destroying most of the evidence of fire. The ar-
tifacts from this occupation level consisted mainly of red or purple
transfer-printed earthenware, types usually considered to have come into
public favor after ca. 1830. A layer of clean red clay was put down over
the early floor, apparently when the building ceased being used as a
An excellent photograph of ca. 1890 shows the smokehouse superstruc-
ture complete with overhanging porch roof and hewn-log walls. A stri-
kingly similar smokehouse still stands across the river in South Carolina
at the "old" Ramsey home. When the ford was in use, this would have been
the nearest dwelling to Traveler's Rest and, perhaps, both smokehouse
structures were built by the same man. At any rate, the Ramsey smoke-
house could serve as excellent precedent for reconstruction work on the
The other existing early building at Traveler's Rest, the half-
planked and half-brick structure known locally as the loomhouse, was also
investigated archaeologically , and like the smokehouse, it, too, had mul-
tiple dirt-floor levels. The upper levels could have been the floor when
the lower story of the building had been used as a loom area, for several
circular thread weights were found at this level. However, the earliest
floor level, found some eighteen inches below the present floor, included
features and artifacts that indicated that the building had been origin-
ally used as a dairy. A three-by-five-foot pit had been dug in the north-
east corner, probably to serve as a cold-storage pit for dairy products.
Three fragmented artifacts were recovered from the pit, two of which
could very well have been lost in a dairy: a stoneware-crock handle and a
round, metal-can lid. Further evidence for the building's use as a walk-
in cold-storage room was the discovery of the remnants of the early wooden
steps leading down to the earliest floor level. The artifacts in the
mixed-fill level, although quite scarce, suggest that the building ceased
being used as a cold-storage vault sometime after ca. 1850. A large
sherd of a graniteware plate was found in the mixed-fill layer, probably
having been thrown into the building with the fill that was used to raise
the floor level. Graniteware rarely was used in America before 1850, but
after that approximate date, it was both manufactured in the United States
and imported from England by the ton during the third quarter of the nine-
teenth century. No datable artifacts were found in a context that would
help date the original construction of the building. However, architec-
tural features of the structure itself provide some clue as to when it
was built. The fact that the first story of the building is built sol-
idly of brick laid in American bond on a stone base suggests that it is
contemporary with the only other similarly built feature on the site, the
south chimneys of the house: i.e., stone base, brick walls laid in Ameri-
can bond. This fact is made more significant when it is recalled that
the south chimney was built immediately after the early food storage area,
the root cellar, was backfilled and abandoned. Therefore, the "loom-
house" was probably built to provide additional cubic feet of safer food-
storage space. Assuming that the Period II section of the main house was
also built at the same time along with its basement kitchen, it follows
logically that the meat house and dairy would be built close by. In fact,
a door is located to the right of the basement kitchen fireplace leading
directly to the "loomhouse," fifteen feet to the north.
Light probing north of the loomhouse, and down the slope, indicated
stonework beneath the surface. Therefore, several trenches were opened in
this area. A stone terrace was subsequently uncovered. However, the ar-
tifacts and local information showed that this feature had been part of a
garden built by one of the Jarrett relatives about 1900.
Excavations were also carried out beneath the wooden cabin standing
near the northwest corner of the property as part of the construction pro-
gram to renovate the structure. The work revealed that the house had been
built on a deposit of early- twentieth-century domestic refuse. Historical
evidence indicates that the original occupant of this structure had also
built the garden nearby; therefore, both date from this century.
The small cabin located immediately east of the main house was in-
vestigated briefly. A trench to the north of it showed that it had never
been any larger than its present fifteen-by-twenty feet, and that its
small fireplace had probably been built in the late-nineteenth century.
The idea that this could have been an early kitchen building was not in
evidence archaeologically .
The well, located twelve feet northwest of the main house, was exca-
vated from its modern twenty-three-foot level to forty-three feet. It
had been filled to the that depth with modern domestic trash. A well
borer was used to excavate below the water table (thirty-six feet), but
this method of excavation was abandoned when large rocks were found at a
depth of forty-three feet. There is a good possibility that the borer
hit the original rock liner which had collapsed over the early fill in
the well. However, equipment problems have delayed the excavations at
the well until the next excavation season.
One of the major purposes of historical archaeology is to add speci-
fic information concerning a historical site not already provided by the
historical documents or architectural research. The archaeological work
at Traveler's Rest successfully added the following information to the
body of knowledge of the site:
1. The site had been briefly occupied by Early Mississippian Period
2. Period I of the main house had been built prior to 1815.
3. A root cellar had been dug under the south end of the main house
with a crude bulkhead entrance where the south chimney now
4. The root cellar had been backfilled and the main south chimney
built after 1815 and probably in the period 1815-1825.
5. The south half of the main house (Period I) had been constructed
before any other structure now standing at the site. The pres-
ent back porch and rear steps were part of this early construc-
6. The smokehouse was specifically located along with enough docu-
mentary and architectural evidence to allow reconstruction.
7. The "loomhouse" was originally used for food storage, had ceased
being used for cold storage after ca. 1850, and was probably
built as part of the expansion program of ca. 1815-1825.
8. The wooden cabin and the rock garden located on the extreme
north boundary of the property date from the present century.
Another purpose of conducting archaeological research is to provide
insights into the lives of the occupants at a historic site. Unfortun-
ately, very little information was found relating to the inn period of
Traveler's Rest. However, the collection of artifacts found in the fill
of the root cellar provides a glimpse of life at the site during at least
the early-nineteenth century. The simple tablewares and eating utensils
testify to the unpretentious way of life experienced by those living on
the northeast Georgia frontier. And, even the simplest items used by the
early occupants, from buttons to bowls, were made in and imported from
England. This fact serves as a reminder that like the Georgia frontier,
the United States was far from industrial by the period 1815-1825, nor was
the frontier or the nation, by any means, self-sufficient at this time.
In short, the artifacts recovered from the early-nineteenth-century con-
text show that the early occupants of Traveler's Rest were leading the
typical simple life of a pioneer, at least until the wave of the advancing
frontier had rolled further west, bringing "civilization" and prosperity
to Traveler's Rest.
The deposition dates supplied by the artifacts found in the fill of
the root cellar make it highly probable that many of the objects had be-
longed to Joseph Martin, Jesse Walton's son-in-law, who had inherited the
property upon the death of Walton's wife (1800). It is also quite proba-
ble that the actual backfilling of the root cellar and the extensive con-
struction program carried out at the site thereafter was undertaken by
James R. Wyly, who bought the property in 1818 and held it until 1838.
In fact, the forementioned military button found in the cellar fill might
well have belonged to Wyly, who had served in the War of 1812. Perhaps
about 1829, he probably had to double the size of the residence at the
site out of sheer necessity — he had thirteen children.
Finally, like all historical research, historical archaeology at-
tempts to discover facts which can aid in the broad interpretation of a
given historical site so that the events that have taken place there and
the culture that has disappeared can be viewed in its overall relation-
ship to the general movement of history itself. In a limited extent,
archaeological work at Traveler's Rest achieved this end by extending
knowledge of the occupation of the site back through prehistoric-Indian
and early-frontier times. With our knowledge of the site now, in part
provided by archaeology, Traveler's Rest can be presented as a living
example of the frontier movement in American history. The sequence of
occupation shows prehistoric Indian settlement followed by early simple
pioneer settlement, climaxing into a full-blown, prosperous Southern
plantation. The site, therefore, does not have to be looked upon as
just another relic of North Georgia — but it can help define the role of
North Georgia in the larger movement of the advancing American frontier.
Although the first season of archaeology at Traveler's Rest did meet
with sviccess in some areas, some of the various other outbuildings men-
tioned or hinted at in the historical documents were not located. More-
over, the archaeological excavations did not specifically uncover evidence
which can be used to date the earliest construction at the site, although
we now know that some of the main house stood at the site prior to 1815.
Another season of archaeology concentrating on the area between the main
house and the river might reveal some of the evidence remaining of the
The artifacts recovered during the excavations at Traveler's Rest
were mostly late-nineteenth century and modern domestic items, except for
those objects found in the root cellar under the main house or in the
early floor level of the smokehouse. The root cellar contained an excel-
lent representative sample of ceramic, metal, glass, and bone domestic
items of the first quarter of the nineteenth century.
The Root Cellar
The ceramics recovered from the cellar were mainly pearlware types
either decorated with blue or green shell-edging, hand-painted designs in
cobalt blue in the peasant manner, or polychrome hand-painted designs
banded in brown. Some creamware in the royal pattern was also recovered
with a few sherds of brown stoneware. The Indian pottery types recovered
from the cellar included a plain tan and a burnished type, and a linear
and curvilinear prehistoric stamped type.
Three molded clay tobacco pipes and one soapstone tobacco pipe were
recovered from the cellar. Two of the clay pipes were molded into the
shape of a human head and face, and the third was a plain type common
throughout the nineteenth century. The soapstone pipe was fashioned,
apparently, in an attempt to copy an earlier English export form. All
were reed-stem pipes. Not one fragment of an English kaolin pipe or stem
was found in all of the excavation work at Traveler's Rest.
A few glass objects were found in the cellar. Three fragmented
cylindrical wine bottles were recovered along with the base section of a
"patent" medicine bottle bearing relief lettering. Apparently, the medi-
cine bottle had contained "Essence of Peppermint," an organic pain killer.
Moreover, a fragment of the "sunburst" relief side panel from a liquor
flask was also found. Near the root cellar, presumably discarded in asso-
ciation with it, a small pale-green bottle still containing traces of oil
of wintergreen was recovered.
The root cellar also contained fourteen buttons; ten brass, three
bone, and one pewter. Six of the brass buttons were simply flat disks
with raised designs and lettering on the reverse side; two were concave
on the reverse side with raised lettering and designs, and one, an Ameri-
can military button, had the design and lettering on the front side and
was completely flat. All of the brass buttons had soldered loop fasten-
ers, whereas one brass button had been made in two pieces and was bulbous
in shape. The bone buttons were flat with single-hole fasteners, whereas
the pewter button was made much like the brass buttons, i.e., concave on
the reverse side, having a loop fastener. However, the pewter button was
probably cast, but the brass buttons were stamped. One cast-pewter cuff-
link made in a two-piece mold was found bearing a floral design on the
Numerous iron objects were found in the cellar. Two padlocks were
found, one heart-shaped and one circular. An iron pintle was also found,
together with a varied collection of equestrian hardware, a bridle cheek-
piece, half of a worn horseshoe, the footrest from a stirrup, part of a
harness ring and two harness buckles. Some fragmented cutlery were also
found, including sections of knives, a broken spoon, and a bone fork or
knife handle. A few nails were found, all exhibiting manufacturing
techniques common to the first half of the nineteenth century.
The ceramics found in the smokehouse floor level consisted mostly of
semi-porcelain, transfer-printed in a willow pattern or a red floral bor-
der design. One sherd of polychromed, hand-painted pearlware similar to
sherds found in the storage pit was also found.
Note : Illustrations which appeared in the original report are omitted
here. Punctuation has been added for clarity.
Charles C. Royce, The Cherokee Nation of Indians (Washington, D.C.:
Smithsonian Bureau of Ethnology, 1887), p. 130.
2 Royce, p. 151.
3 Franklin County Deeds, Original Plat Book N, on file and of offi-
cial record of the Surveyor General Department, Office of the Secretary of
State, Atlanta, Ga. , p. 133.
^ Royce, p. 152.
-* Bryce Martin, personal correspondence with Lyman Draper, May 18,
1954, The Draper Manuscript Collection, No. 14 DD 16 (Tennessee State
Archives), microfilm frame no. 16-3.
" Martin, frame 16-4.
' Franklin County Minutes of the Court of the Ordinary, Wills, Inven-
tories, Etc., May 15, 1786 - September 6, 1813 (Georgia Department of
Archives and History), WPA Project No. 5993, p. 3.
° Franklin County Deed Book B, 1818 (Georgia Department of Archives
and History), p. 18.
" Habersham County Superior Court Book Q, 1841-44 (Georgia Department
of Archives and History), p. 237.
10 William Louis Calver and Reginald Pelham Bolton, History Written
With Pick and Shovel (New York: The New York Historical Society, 1950),
p. 154; and J. Duncan Campbell, "Military Buttons Long Lost Heralds of
Fort Mackinac's Past," Mackinac History Leaflet Number Seven (Mackinac
Island, Mich.: Mackinac State Park Commission, 1965), p. 3.
G. Bernard Hughes, English and Scottish Earthenware , 1660-1860
(London: Abbey Fine Arts, n.d.), p. 126; and Ivor Noel Hume, Here Lies
Virginia (New York: Knopf, 1963), p. 299.
Geoffrey Bembrose, Nineteenth Century Pottery and Porcelain (New
York: Pitman Publishing Corp., 1952), p. 23.
-•--> George S. and Helen McKearin, American Glass (New York: Crown Pub-
lishers, 1941), pp. 424-25; and Ivor Noel Hume, "The Glass Wine Bottle in
Colonial Virginia," Journal of Glass Studies (Corning, N.Y. : Corning
Glass Center, 1961), Vol. Ill, pp. 101-05.
1^ Stanley South, "Analysis of the Buttons from the Ruins at Bruns-
wick Town and Fort Fisher, N.C., 1726-1865," The Florida Anthropologist ,
Vol. XVII, No. 2 (June, 1964), pp. 113-33.
*■■* Similar stamped patterns illustrated and discussed in Robert Wau-
chope, "Archaeological Survey of North Georgia," in Memoirs of the Soci -
ety of American Archaeology , Number Twenty-One (Salt Lake City, 1966), pp.
-*-" A common occurrence on many historic sites near waterways.
*-' Cora Bales Sevier and Nancy S. Madden, Sevier Family History
(Washington, D.C.: Kaufmann Press, 1961), p. 296.
1° Similar examples have been recovered recently by archaeologists at
New Echota, Georgia, the Cherokee Capitol, 1819-1836; Charles Fairbanks,
"European Ceramics from the Cherokee Capitol of New Echota," Southeastern
Archaeological Conference Newsletter , Vol. 9, No. 1 (June, 1962), pp. 10-
Noel Hume, Here Lies Virginia , p. 299
20 Bembrose, p. 9.
21 Hume, p. 296.
Several examples of this ware have been recently excavated in Alex-
andria, Virginia, by the Smithsonian Institution in a context of 1790-
Apparently, these pipes were made well into the nineteenth century,
but they are strikingly similar to the eighteenth-century examples made at
Bethabara, North Carolina, at least as late as 1789; Stanley South, "The
Ceramic Forms of the Potter Gottfried Aust at Bethabara, North Carolina,
1755-1771," The Conference on Historic Site Archaeology Papers , 1965-66 ,
p. 35. Some of these pipes had been traded to the Cherokees by the Mora-
24 Similar example illustrated in South, "The Ceramic Forms....," p.
50, fig. 10, no. 7.
See footnote 13 above.
2" An identical "Essence of Peppermint" bottle was recovered in the
excavations at New Echota, Georgia, in 1955; Georgia Historical Commis-
sion Archaeological Study Collection, New Echota Visitor's Center, Cal-
According to the Suey Analytical Laboratories of Savannah, Georgia,
slight traces of oil of wintergreen were still present in the bottle, and
that oil of wintergreen was used as a rheumatism remedy in the nineteenth
Similar sunburst motifs are illustrated in McKearin, American
Glass , p. 263, plate 101.
Similar stamped patterns illustrated and discussed in Robert
Wauchope, "Archaeological Survey of North Georgia," in Memoirs of the
Society for American Archaeology , Number Twenty-One, Salt Lake City,
1966, pp. 60-63.
Similar types have been found at Brunswicktown, North Carolina,
in an archaeological context of 1800-1830. See footnote 14 above.
These types all illustrated and discussed in: Lee R. Nelson,
"Nail Chronology as an Aid to Dating Old Buildings," American Association
for State and Local History Technical Leaflet Number Forty-Eight , History
News, Vol. 24, No. 11, November, 1968.
Similar examples discussed and illustrated in Bembrose, Nineteenth
Century Pottery ..., pp. 9-10.
33 Ibid ., p. 23
See footnote number 19 above.
Bembrose, Geoffrey. Nineteenth Century Pottery and Porcelain . New York:
Pittman Publishing Company, 1952.
Calver, William Louis , and Bolton, Reginald Pelham. History Written
With Pick and Shovel . New York: The New York Historical Society,
Hughes, G. Bernard. English and Scottish Earthenware , 1660-1860 . London:
Libbey Fine Arts, n.d.
McKearin, George S., and McKearin, Helen. American Glass . New York: Crown
Malone, Henry T. Cherokees of the Old South . Athens, Ga. : The University
of Georgia Press, 1956.
Noel Hume, Ivor. Her e Lies Virginia . New York: Knopf, 1963.
Royce, Charles C. The Cherokee Nation of Indians . Washington, D.C.:
Smithsonian Institution Bureau of Ethnology, 1887.
ARTICLES AND PERIODICALS:
Campbell, J. Duncan. "Military Buttons, Long Lost Heralds of Fort Mac-
kinac's Past," Mackinac History , Leaflet Number Seven . Mackinac
Island, Mich. , 1965.
Fairbanks, Charles. "European Ceramics from the Cherokee Capitol of New
Echota," Southeastern Archaeological Conference Newsletter , IX, No.
1 (June, 1962).
Nelson, Lee H. "Nail Chronology as an Aid to Dating Old Buildings," Amer-
ican Association for State and Local History , Technical Leaflet Num -
ber Forty-Eight , History News, XXIV, No. 11 (November, 1968).
South, Stanley. "The Ceramic Forms of the Potter Gottfried Aust at Beth-
abara, North Carolina, 1755-1771," The Conference on Historic Site
Archaeology Papers , 1965-66 .
Wauchope , Robert. "Archaeological Survey of North Georgia," Memoirs of
the Society for American Archaeology , Number Twenty-One . Salt Lake
Martin, Bryce. "Personal Correspondence with Lyman Draper, May 18, 1954,"
in Draper Manuscript Collection on file at the Tennessee State Ar-
Franklin County Deed Book .B, 1818. On file at Georgia Department of Ar-
chives and History. Atlanta.
Franklin County Minutes of the Court of Ordinary, Wills, Invento ries, Etc.,
May 15, 1786-September 6, 1813. Georgia Department of Archives and
History, WPA Project Number 5993. Atlanta.
Habersham County Superior Court Book Cj, 1841-44. On file at Georgia De-
partment of Archives and History. Atlanta.
South, Stanley. "Analysis of the Buttons from the Ruins at Brunswick
Town and Fort Fisher, N.C., 1726-1865," Paper read at the Southeast-
ern Archaeological Conference, Macon, Georgia, October, 1963.
Et/r-iA t^*' H° ■>
HI GHSMI T H 45 220
^wws B (iii
3 ElDfi 0M55M 0607
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employs without regard to Race, Creed, Color, Sex, Age or National Origin.
50% of the funds for this publication were provided by the federal govern-
ment under the Historic Preservation Act of 1966 and 50% of the funds were
provided by the State of Georgia.